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| Anthem | "Volkslied" | ||||
| Capital | Springbok | ||||
| Largest city | Vredendal | ||||
| Language | Afrikaans, English | ||||
| Government | Parliamentary Constitutional Republic | ||||
| Legislature | Volksraad | ||||
| President | Constraad Viljoen | ||||
| Population | 513,500 (2015 estimate) 522,252 (2016 census) | ||||
| Independence | from South Africa | ||||
| declared | 17th December, 1991 | ||||
| Currency | Union Rand | ||||
| Driving Side | left | ||||
| Organizations | African Economic Community | ||||
Volkstaat is a Boer and Afrikaner survivor state in the northwestern part of the former South Africa. It is a member of the African Economic Community and former part of the New Union of South Africa. The nation's origin lies in the trek led by General Constand Viljoen to establish a homeland for Afrikaners, free from danger.
Etymology[]
Volk translates to people in numerous Germanic languages, including Afrikaans. Staat translates to state also in Afrikaans. The two words combined create the name, Volkstaat, which translates to "People's State" or "People's Nation".
History[]
Trek from Transvaal[]
See Also: Azanian League
Following Doomsday, South Africa was faced with many problems. South Africa itself was not affected in any physical form on Doomsday, and in fact its strategic situation seemed to improve because the Soviet Union would not be able to support its enemies in Angola. But the collapse of international trade devastated the economy and worsened the already-churning discontent among the country's Black majority. In 1985, this boiled over into revolution throughout the eastern part of the country. The state was brought to the verge of collapse.
Collapse came the following year. Rebels loyal to the ANC took Pretoria, while the Azanian People's Organization drove forces loyal to the government out of Johannesburg. The government raced to safety in Cape Town, and the sheer speed of the collapse threw the South African Defence Force (SADF) into disarray. Many fled westward, joining as many as 600,000 white South Africans heading into the Orange Free State and the northwestern Cape Province. Many died due to lack of supplies or the conditions on the road. Others tried to survive by squatting on farmland that they passed. General Constand Viljoen was among a small group of high-ranking officers who headed west rather than go to Cape Town, hoping to bring some order to the exodus.
General Constand Viljoen
Viljoen rallied a group of survivors in the town of Douglas. Here he laid out his vision for the Volkstaat, a state Afrikaners could call their own. He planned to move farther west and called on the nearly 400,000 displaced persons in the region to join him in this new Great Trek. The going would be even harder than it had been already, so Viljoen left a detachment of soldiers behind to protect local camps and facilitate future migrations.
A good number of the refugees stayed in Douglas or went back into the Orange Free State, spreading out to establish themselves as herdsmen or farmers in the surrounding lands. But over the next few years, thousands followed Viljoen westward as far as the hills of the northern Cape. The trekkers began to settle around the towns of Springbok and Vredendal. These lands were sparsely populated and had become even more so amid the general crisis of the mid-80s. Viljoen now set out to make them destinations for other Afrikaners fleeing the Transvaal.
More Afrikaners came to settle in these towns, many heading out to the countryside to establish small farms. Under the leadership of Viljoen, the settlements worked to develop self-sufficiency during the first years - which were filled with hardships.
Independence[]
At the start of the Trek, the territory under South Africa's control was limited to the Orange Free State, most of the Cape Province, and South West Africa from Windhoek on south, along with some noncontiguous holdouts like Durban. But this control was slipping everywhere.
The refugee crisis of which Viljoen's trekkers formed a part was badly eroding the government's power in the far north. The only authority in those areas often came from military leaders operating on their own, like Viljoen - this was the origin of the "warlord states" that would define parts of this region for decades to come. Viljoen, and many of his colleagues, had largely lost faith in the government. In his mind, overseeing the resettlement of the Transvaal refugees took precedence over other orders from Cape Town. Without resigning his post, he and the soldiers under him operated more and more autonomously. The government for its part lacked the resources to effectively govern the frontiers of the Cape Province, and leaving it to local commanders was one of the only options.
Port Elizabeth and its environs were under the control of a rival government led by the opposition Progressive Federal Party. They had gone so far as to announce the restoration of Britain's exiled king, Andrew Windsor, to the South African throne. And an insurgency by members of the Cape Coloured community was threatening the government's control even of the western Cape.
Prime Minister Botha's agreement to share power with Coloured leader Peter Marais was enough to calm some of this turbulence, but it also caused a rift between the Cape and the Orange Free State, whose provincial government refused to recognize any regime that would abandon White rule. Durban fell to KwaZulu in 1986; Windhoek fell to Namibia in 1987. The following year Marais, now President of South Africa, chose to euthanize the ailing country, pushing a bill through Parliament to dissolve the Republic of South Africa and replace it with a new nation, the Republic of the Cape.
New migrants continued to arrive in the northern Cape, and by the end of the decade it was transforming into just what General Viljoen had envisioned: a distinct zone defined by Afrikaner people and culture, set apart from the rest of the country and all its unrest. With other areas along the northern border already drifting out of the Cape's influence, the time seemed right for independence. And so, on December 17th, 1991, the Nation of Volkstaat was declared. Soon, the Cape loyalists who remained in the region were forced to accept Volkstaat's sovereignty and Viljoen's supreme control of the nation.
Coastal Operations[]
One of the first acts of the new government of Volkstaat was to move west and secure the coast to ensure that trade from the sea arrived safely. Therefore, in January 1992, Viljoen ordered soldiers to move west and secure the coast and bring it under the full control of the new Volkstaat. His soldiers would move from Springbok and Vredrendal. Troops moving from Springbok would establish a line of small outposts. From here, they would begin to move southward before meeting up with a small contingent from Vredendal. Meanwhile, soldiers from Vredendal would head south, moving down along the coast. At Lambert's Bay they would establish a central outpost to serve as a port of entry. These constructions took around three years to complete, but by 1995, most of the coast was secure and the nation could develop a new port.
Viljoen chose Lambert's Bay to become the premier port of Volkstaat. The town was renamed Lambert and almost immediately, migration to the small town was encouraged to try to create a suitable dock for trading vessels to sell their goods.
A Brother[]
Beginning in the spring of 1992, a new wave of White refugees, ultimately totaling around 10,000, arrived in Volkstaat. Weary of war between the Black-ruled Azanian states and the White-ruled Heiligdom and Orange Free State, these trekkers were looking for a safe haven. Soldiers going out to meet the first group reacted with confusion when they saw the leader of the vanguard - many of them recognised him as Constand Viljoen. How could this be so? Viljoen was known to be in Springbok.
By the time the group arrived in the capital, rumours were flying saying that Viljoen had gone out on a secret expedition to rescue more migrants. Viljoen had head these rumours and was waiting outside the city to see what the fuss was about. The person he saw shocked him. It was someone who looked identical to him - none other than Abraham Viljoen, his identical twin brother. Constand reportedly broke down at the sight. The brothers spent time talking to each other, sharing news and intelligence.
The arrival of a new wave of migrants served to draw attention the ongoing instability in South Africa and for Constand, it emphasized Volkstaat's need of allies. In the summer of 1992-3, diplomats set out to mend relations with the Cape and to establish more formal links with the Port Elizabeth government - now the Dominion of South Africa - and with Waterboersland, which like Volkstaat was an aspiring new state established by refugees. After initial hiccups, relations began to become better in comparison.
However, there was still the problem of where to house the refugees, who were beginning to strain the already stretched resources. The decision had just recently been made to develop Lambert's Bay into a port, so Viljoen gave the orders to relocate the newcomers to the vicinity of the town.
"They can vote!"[]
From the mid-90s, more refugees began to come into Volkstaat from the Republic of the Cape. White citizens felt increasingly sidelined by Marais's policies, while Blacks were still deprived of political rights. The Cape was Volkstaat's main trading partner and relations with the Cape were favourable, but it still welcomed Afrikaners wanting to leave it. Due to the moderating influence of Abraham Viljoen, non-White migrants too were allowed in.
Soon, however, the central government under Viljoen, who by this time had formed an interim government which included his brother, began to face problems relating to raiding of their lands. The northern Cape was far from safe. Volkstaat was not the only military fragment to emerge in the region. Other communities were also ruled by SADF officers, including the detachment that Viljoen had left in Douglas. Thanks to his rank and the relatively large block of territory that he controlled, Viljoen could claim a certain primacy among these "warlords" and for a while tried to assert control over them. But they had divergent interests, and conflict was growing between them. The arrival of new armed groups from Angola added to this instability in the north.
In 1995, Viljoen began to combat some of the rival groups to the north and east of Volkstaat, sending in the army, still formed from mainly South African Army personnel. However, this proved to only anger the other warlords - many of whom formed an alliance against Volkstaat to combat the troops which were beginning to attack their lands. Volkstaat's army soon began to face a shortage in manpower and began to recruit Blacks into their armed forces.
Their numbers soon swelled and this soon led to a point that the army could not supply all the new recruits. To solve this, ammunition and guns seized from rebels were used to arm the troops. Using larger numbers, in the spring of 1996 - the Volkstaat Army began a large attack to the north and east, killing a large number and absorbing some of their forces. In the process, Volkstaat's borders expanded somewhat eastward. Yet incorporating the warlord forces would be easier said than done. Not only were many unwilling to take up the offer to join, they did not have a motive to do so. To gain their loyalty, the government offered the soldiers land and officers the ability to become governors of small towns. Although the region was still unstable, this offer began to attract some fighters from rival groups.
This soon proved to be a master-stroke as it would not only allow the establishment of new settlements, it would also ensure the loyalty of the militiamen lay with Volkstaat. Using these extra numbers, Volkstaat was able to successfully continue the fight against the warlords and either kill them or force them to leave the lands. This gave them roads which linked with major settlements within Volkstaat and also gave the nation a feeling of security as it now controlled regions which had no outside threats.
With this, in 1997, talks of election and a properly elected government began to take place. Issues began to arise almost immediately: the Black and Coloured populations wanted the right to vote. It was at this point that Constand Viljoen issued his most famous statement: over the radio he said to the nation that "if blacks can die for us, they can vote!". Although many viewed the statement negatively, or even disgust, most believed this was the correct move and Viljoen's popularity within the nation reached an all time high. Thus, when the first elections occurred on the 29th of August, Viljoen's party, the Volkstaat Front, won a sweeping majority. They easily established control over Parliament and within the year began to write a constitution for the nation.
The constitution, completed in early 1998, promised free and equal rights for all citizens of Volkstaat regardless of race. However, it also defined Volkstaat's identity as an Afrikaaner state and mandated the teaching of "Afrikaaner values" in school. It aspired to create a more inclusive, civic definition of Afrikaner identity and Afrikaner nationalism, one open to all races. This was an embodiment of the beliefs of Viljoen's party, the Volkstaat Front. It represented a new attempt to overcome the racial problems of South Africa, a trans-racial assimilationist view. It was an alternative the White separatism of apartheid, the Black separatism of some of the Azanian parties, and the multicultural "rainbow nation" ideal championed by the founders of the Dominion and other liberals. The constitution met with broad, though not universal, acceptance.
The New Millennium[]
With the dawn of the new millennium, things were looking up for Volkstaat. After the hardships of the previous two decades, the economy was growing and moving past subsistence farming and mining. With the growth of the economy and increased stability in the nation, Viljoen then began to lead an aggressive international policy aimed at securing control of the border region to the north and promoting freer trade with the rest of the region. He believed this would enable the economic output to increase, allowing for increased spending in other much needed sectors such as education and healthcare. Viljoen strengthened relations with the Republic of the Cape, adopting the Rand as Volkstaat's currency in the fall of 2001.
Volkstaat also sought closer relations with the Dominion, though here it had to walk a fine line due to ongoing animosity between the Dominion and the Cape. Formal relations also began with South West Africa, which was like Volkstaat ruled by Whites who had largely been forced to migrate from elsewhere. The leaders of both nations met in Springbok in May 2002 and Viljoen announced his intentions of investing in SWA to help it grow economically, benefiting the whole region.
The Volkstaat Front kept its majority in Parliament in the 2002 elections. However, it also saw the rise of the Afrikaner Labour Party, which advocated more laws to promote economic equality and a greater effort to strengthen relations with other states of southern Africa, perhaps with a goal of reunification. Labour performed well in the elections, leading many to believe in the government that more efforts were needed on the international relations front.
With this in mind, more effort was made to strengthen economic ties with neighbors like Waterboersland and the Orange Free State. However, there were a few hiccups in negotiations with the OFS, as the white supremacist government viewed the Volkstaat with suspicion due to their efforts to incorporate other races into the nation and government. Discussions were at times frosty, but in the end Volkstaat did achieve a useful economic treaty with the Free State, which would see growth in Volkstaat's small but expanding industrial output.
New Union and Hardships[]
In the mid-2000s, these efforts brought Volkstaat into the forefront of the movement toward greater integration within South Africa. Discussions on a new economic union began in 2003. In part this was to promote trade, but it also was seen as a counter-weight to the Azanian League to the east. Initially the Dominion showed interest, but the Cape strongly opposed its inclusion. The Orange Free State, too, was initially interested, but it left the talks over race policy. South West Africa was willing to reform its laws to appease the other members, including ending the White monopoly on political power. But the OFS refused to end its system of apartheid and walked out of the talks. Therefore, when the New Union of South Africa was formed on February 12, 2004, it included four founding members: Volkstaat, Waterboersland, South West Africa and the Cape.
With the Orange Free State excluded, the NUSA now drew the attention of the Black-ruled nations that had not joined Azania, namely KwaZulu and Lesotho. Both joined in the next few years. Their membership significantly bolstered both the population and the military strength of the new union. Lesotho had a larger standing army than Volkstaat, Waterboersland and SWA combined, and that of KwaZulu was larger strill. However, the economic growth of the union still remained toward the west of the nation, no small part due to Volkstaat, whose economy by 2005 had trebled since independence. This created the false impression for the government that Volkstaat could now invest in other nations and potentially be the the driving force of economic growth, losing focus on the fact that the small nation could not support such an economic stance for long.
Volkstaat invested most heavily in the economies of Waterboersland, South West Africa and KwaZulu. At its peak, some 25% of Volkstaat's economic output was invested into the three nations - creating an unsustainable boom in the region. The money went into infrastructure projects, helping all three nations increase industrial output while reinforcing the agricultural sector.
But the Union was threatened by instability in the Cape. Even as the NUSA was being formed, the republic was descending into civil war as the White-led army fought against the Coloured-led government. Volkstaat's government officially supported its ally, but it was not able to prevent some of its own citizens from crossing over to fight on the side of the Whites. At first the economy continued to grow, but the war was divisive and eroded confidence in the government. Finally the economy crashed in late 2005. The crash affected Volkstaat harder than other NUSA members, causing further resentment.
In 2006, the ANZC and SAC jointly invaded the Cape to restore order. Most of the Cape's territory was outside the perimeter that the foreigners secured, and it became a chatotic mess of competing factions. The Dominion moved in to take the lion's share, but Volkstaat also occupied some territory to its south and southeast. Volkstaaters feared that the fighting would spread.
The elections in 2007 saw for the first time the Volkstaat Front fall from power when Afrikaner Labour Party gained a majority in Parliament. The new government announced a stimulus for the domestic economy centered around public works projects. This together with the country's strong business culture, along with the regional stability brought by the RZA regime, helped the nation to recover from the effects quicker than many anticipated. The economy was growing again by 2009, though the nation remained in debt until 2015.
The Labour Party looked to establish more joint control with the remaining NUSA over such matters such as military and customs. It also promoted Black interests, provoking some race riots in 2011, though they soon dissipated. Support was growing for the Volkstaat Front once more, promising to distance itself from the NUSA allies and look toward Volkstaat's own gain. Afte relections in 2012, the Volkstaat Front once again gained a majority and formed the government. Viljoen, although aging, led the government for what many believed would be the last time.
Under Labour leadership, Volkstaat saw new investments in the public sector. An ambitious multi-faceted plan was unveiled to boost economic activity though railroad construction. New railroads built upon those around Vredendal and linked it to Sprinbok. Another program gave incentives for boosting production in small steel factories in the two cities, to use in the railroads. Additional steel was bought from the Dominion. The decision was made not to cannibalise the line between Vredendal and Upington, but the security situation there did not permit traffic to resume there, either. For now the line was refurbished where possible. Lines were also laid between Sprinbok and Schulpfontein, which seemed to be initially pointless, before the government announced plans to build a co-generation desalinisation plant using experimental solar power in the region. Such an ambitious program was faced with serious opposition on the basis Volkstaat had neither the resources nor the technical expertise to carry this out. Through the RZA occupation forces, Volkstaat sought scientific aid and resources in ANZ and South America. It secured a contract with a Chilean firm, which was seeking a place to try out and showcase an experimental design. Work began on the solar-powered desalinisation plant in 2008.
Construction of a permanent parliament building and a University of Springbok also began in 2008. It was no surprise the initial plan for university courses were heavy on physics and engineering. Many of the small businesses within Springbok came together to petition for the addition of a small business school. The newly created board of deans approved but asked the petitioners to provide lecturers for courses among their own ranks. The architecture of the university's buildings wasdesigned to resemble the Boer colonial style. It would, however, be years before these major projects would be completed.
As a result of these infrastructure projects, the employment level rose; now, labour shortages became a problem. The Volksraad thus introduced a campaign to lure workers from abroad, Over the course of the next year or so over a thousand immigrated to work on the railroads and the desalinisation plant. Once the railroad projects were completed, the workers were put to work constructing the university and other schools.
2010s[]
An Afrikaner family in 2014. Afrikaners are the largest ethnic group in the Volkstaat.
In the 2010s, Volkstaat's boom times settled into a period of slower, stable growth. The economy was back at pre-2008 levels by 2012. The Volkstaat Front kept promises to put the revenue from its foreign investment back into the domestic economy. The mining sector, along with the military and merchant navy became the main benefactors of this investment. The government also kept up other proposals established by the previous government, including an announcement on April 14, 2012 that the national currency would be phased out and replaced by the Union Rand. This was completed by November 23.
Volkstaat embarked on another phase of territorial expansion aimed at securing South Africa's northern border along Orange river in late 2012. Volkstaat's army secured the length of the river, after which the government enacted a program to encourage migration to new farms along the river. By this point, Springbok and Vredendal were experiencing significant population pressure and were exceeding the capacities of their respective sites. The new lands and farm subsidies were aimed at drawing people to the countryside.
For Viljoen, the prize remained the region of Upington, which since the end of the Cape Civil War had been ruled by a fragment of the former Republc of the Cape military. In the meantime, efforts concentrated on settling the northern frontier while continuing to support the nation's growing industry. Viljoen also began efforts to re-build a healthy relationship with the Dominion of South Africa, which had suffered heavily since its incursions into the Cape and KwaXhosa. The Dominion was receptive: its wars had left it isolated in the region and it wanted to form better economic links with its neighbors. Yet another war against KwaXhosa, this one a decided failure, derailed these talks yet again, but the Progressive Party government that came to power in the wake of it was even more eager to mend its regional relationships.
Volkstaat and the Dominion signed extensive trading agreements in July 2013, with an additional clause allowing Volkstaat to become an observer member of the African Economic Community. This move helped bring DSA investment into Volkstaat, allowing the nation to amp up its agricultural efforts while giving the DSA a market for its products. Popular opinion soon began to favour joining the AEC; the Dominion seemed able to fill a role that the former Republic of the Cape had once filled. Viljoen also purchased arms from the Dominion in preparation to capture Upington.
Viljoen again began to pursue the aggressive international policy which the Volkstaat Front was associated with but he made sure to put in safeguards so the events that led to the great recession of 2007-8 did not repeat itself. He was in favour for a more centralised military command structure for the NUSA and proposed that the members conduct joint war games. KwaZulu sought a leadership role, as it had the largest military of the five member nations. This alienated the western nations, especially Volkstaat, which feared being sidelined. From this point Volkstaat begin to distance itself from the other members, and in December held a summit with Waterboersland and SWA seeking a tighter alliance among the three of them, perhaps within the NUSA. The Dominion was invited as an observing member; it offered the other two nations observer status into the AEC.
On February 25, 2014, Volkstaat became an AEC observer. This move startled the NUSA members: it seemed like a prelude to the collapse of the Union. This was reinforced when South West Africa and Waterboersland followed suit in April 2014. Discussions now indeed began on the dissolution of the alliance, perhaps with KwaZulu and Lesotho replacing it with a bilateral defensive alliance.
In March 2014, Volkstaat launched its long-awaited campaign against Upington, supported by New Britain and Waterboersland. Newly rearmed, the Volkstaat Defense Force advanced into Upington, deposed its local regime, and spread out to establish Afrikaner dominion over the surrounding region.
The Upington lasted just two weeks. On March 23, the flag of Volkstaat flew over the city and its 20,000 inhabitants came under Volkstaat law. The people of Upington, tired of war and tired of military rule, largely acquiesced to annexation. Volkstaat allocated funds to repair the city and surrounding region. Upington also had a railway station and an airport that could be brought back to working condition with relative ease. Trains were running from the city within a few months, first to Springbok and later into the DSA. Immigrants from Good Hope and the Dominion helped to bring the region's population to around 50,000 by mid-2015.
On 26 September 2015, the NUSA ended: all five members signed the Article for the Dissolution of the New Union of South Africa.Volkstaat became a full member of the African Economic Community right away on 16 October, marking a new phase in its history. The vote taken to join the AEC was historic for more than one reason - it was the first session of the officially-christened Nuwe Raadsaal in Sprinbok. Built as a smaller-scale copy of the Ou Raadsaal, the legislature of the old Transvaal, the Nuwe Raadsaal became the political heart of the nation. Fittingly the father of Volkstaat was there to open the first session there.
The University of Springbok was completed on 6 March 2015, the first term beginning in January of the next year. Engineering courses would be taught by lecturers hired from the DSA and Good Hope, along with some locals. Many of the physics-family of courses would be taught by the scientists with the firm working on the Schulpfontein Plant, while business courses would be handled by many of the local professionals.
The Schulpfontein Solar Array came online on 7 November 2016 - after more than 8 years of planning and construction. It became a world news event, showcasing technology that many countries around the world were racing to develop. It was even more momentous for Volkstaat: not only would a constant supply of water now be available, a new and permanent source of energy was now available. Another array began producing power on 4 February 2017, and for the first time in its history, Volkstaat would have 24-hour electricity.
Government[]
Volkstaat is a parliamentary democracy. The military rule of its founding years gave way to dominant-party democracy and then competitive elections.
Economy[]
Pecan harvest
The economy of Volkstaat is primarily agricultural, with most of the nation's population living in rural regions. Economic dealings have allowed for a significant increase in crop yield (as trading has brought in fertilizers and pesticides for crops) - along with more favourable weather patterns which have allowed farmers to export some of their crops. This has helped support the expansion of Volkstaat industry. Craftsmaking is another factor of income for the economy.
The nation was economically tied to the Republic of the Cape and Dominion of South Africa. As trade increased among the NUSA partners in the late 2000s, this reduced its reliance on the DSA somewhat, while helping the state of KwaZulu develop its industrial and military base. With the introduction of a joint currency, Volkstaat was able to gain increasing returns on its crops due to the weaker buying power of the currency.
Trade has also been growing between Volkstaat and the Orange Free State, economic benefits tending to trump moral objections. This has come after negotiations in late 2014 that brought about the dissolution of NUSA and the admittance of Volkstaat as a full member of the African Economic Community.
Military[]
Operates 8000 expert troops. 2000 police troops. No reservists. Definitely unisex armed forces due to the need to have troops - like Israel. Hardware partner - DSA, Good Hope.
International Relations[]
Volkstaat was a founding member in the New Union of South Africa, an economic and geopolitical alliance of six nations within South and South West Africa. The NUSA enabled joint action and economic co-operation, but many leaders in Volkstaat felt the country was being under-represented compared to larger members, especially KwaZulu. Early in 2014 it began to distance itself from the other members. This culminated in the dissolution of NUSA on September 26, 2014 as other nations also felt that NUSA's purpose was outdated.
Volkstaad had been represented in the League of Nations by the New Union of South Africa. After its dissolution it became a member in its own right.
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