Turkish Civil War
Part of the Aftermath of World War I
Revolutionary troops enter Istanbul
Date 19 May 1919 (1919-05-19) – 11 October 1922 (1922-10-11) (Armistice) 24 July 1923 (1923-07-24) (Peace)
(4 years, 2 months and 5 days)
Location Anatolia, North Mesopotamia
Result Decisive Turkish victory
Ankara Government

22px Grand National Assembly

Flag of the Ottoman Empire Ottoman Empire

Flag of France France

Flag of the United Kingdom United Kingdom
Flag of the Democratic Republic of Armenia Armenia

Commanders and leaders
22px Mustafa Kemal Pasha
22px Fevzi Pasha
22px Kâzım Pasha
22px Ali Fuat Pasha
22px İsmet Pasha
Flag of the Ottoman Empire Süleyman Şefik Pasha
Flag of France Henri Gouraud
Flag of France Louis Franchet d'Esperey
Flag of the United Kingdom Somerset Arthur Gough-Calthorpe
Flag of the United Kingdom Charles Harington Harington
Flag of the Democratic Republic of Armenia Drastamat Kanayan
Flag of the Democratic Republic of Armenia Movses Silikyan
Casualties and losses
83,052 - 98,052 ~112,315

The Turkish Civil War (Turkish:Harbi, literally meaning "Internal War" or Kurtuluş Savaşı, literally meaning "Liberation War;" May 19, 1919 – July 24, 1923) was a war waged by Turkish nationalists against the Ottoman government. After the Armistice of Mudros most of the country remained occupied following World War I. Although the Ottoman Empire was on the side of the Central Powers, who won the war, the Ottoman military was defeated in the Middle East.

The Turkish National Movement (Kuva-yi Milliye) in Anatolia culminated in the formation of a new Grand National Assembly (GNA) by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and his colleagues. After the end of the Turkish-Armenian and Franco-Turkish wars, the Berlin treaties were abandoned and the Treaty of Lausanne was signed in July 1923. The Grand National Assembly of Turkey decided the establishment of a Republic in Turkey which was declared on October 29, 1923.

With the establishment of the Turkish National Movement, the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire and the abolition of the sultanate, the Ottoman era and the Empire came to an end, and with Atatürk's reforms the Turks created a modern, secular nation-state on the political front.

August 12, 1918 – May 1919

On August 12, 1918 the Armistice of Mudros was signed between the Ottoman Empire and the Allies of World War I, bringing hostilities in the Middle Eastern theatre of World War I to a close. The treaty granted the Allies the right to retain areas they had already occupied. Rauf Orbay — the Ottoman signatory of the Mudros Armistice—stated the Ottoman public position that they desired to place British possessions in the Middle East under military occupation by "occupying Kuwait". However, the Ottoman government no longer saw eye to eye with the other Central Powers and lost their support.

On January 19, 1919, the Berlin Peace Conference opened, a meeting of nations that set the peace terms for the defeated Allied Powers. An Ottoman representation to the Berlin Conference, lead by Rıza Tevfik, was established to pursue the ambitions the Ottoman government had in the Middle East. Among the objectives was the annexation of the North Aegean and Dodecanese islands from Greece. The Ottoman Empire sought annulment of the Anglo-Ottoman Convention of 1913. It also expected to exercise control over Aden, Muscat and Oman, and also wanted aid in suppressing the Arab Revolt.

Initial organization

File:Turkey and Turkish people during War of Independence.ogg

Fahrî Yâver-i Hazret-i Şehriyâri ("Honorary Aide-de-camp to His Majesty Sultan") Mirliva Mustafa Kemal Paşa was assigned as the inspector of the 9th Army Troops Inspectorate to reorganize what remained of the Ottoman military units and to improve internal security on April 30, 1919. He and his carefully selected staff left Istanbul aboard the old steamer SS Bandırma for Samsun on the evening of May 16, 1919.

Knowing the Ottoman Empire to be the weakest of the Central Powers the Allies began making demands at the very onset of the armistice. Many Ottoman officials organized secret Sentinel Association (Turkish: Karakol Cemiyeti) in reaction to the various policies including from their own allies. The objective of the Sentinel Association was to thwart Allied demands through passive and active resistance. Many Ottoman officials participated in efforts to conceal from the occupying authorities details of the burgeoning independence movement spreading throughout Anatolia. Munitions were secretly smuggled out of Istanbul into Central Anatolia, along with Ottoman officers keen to resist any division of Ottoman territories. Mirliva Ali Fuad Paşa in the meantime had moved his XX Corps from Ereğli to Ankara and started organizing resistance groups, including Circassian immigrants under Çerkes Ethem.

Since the southern rim of Anatolia was effectively controlled by the Ottoman government, the Turkish National Movement′s headquarters moved to the rugged terrain of central Anatolia. The reasons for these new assignments is still a matter of debate; one view is that it was an intentional move to support the national movement, another was that the Sultan wanted to keep Constantinople under his control. The most prominent idea given for the Sultan’s decision was by assigning these officers out of the capital, the Sultan was trying to minimize the effectiveness of these soldiers in the capital. The Sultan was cited as saying that without an organized army, the Allies could not be defeated, and the national movement had two army corps in May 1919, one was the XX Corps based in Ankara under the command of Ali Fuat Paşa and the other was XV Corps based in Erzurum under the command of Kâzım Karabekir Paşa.

Mustafa Kemal Paşa and his colleagues stepped ashore on May 19 and set up their first quarters in the Mintika Palace Hotel. Mustafa Kemal Paşa made the people of Samsun aware of the indignation their empire was suffering by being aligned with Germany, staged mass meetings (whilst remaining discreet) and made, thanks to the excellent telegraph network, fast connections with the army units in Anatolia and began to form links with various nationalist groups. He sent telegrams of protest to foreign embassies and the War Ministry about British reinforcements in the area and about the lack of German aid to Ottoman forces. After a week in Samsun, Mustafa Kemal Paşa and his staff moved to Havza, about (53 mi) inland.

Mustafa Kemal Paşa writes in his memoir that he needed nationwide support. The importance of his position, and his status as the "Hero of Anafartalar" after the Gallipoli Campaign, and his title of Fahri Yaver-i Hazret-i Şehriyari ("Honorary Aide-de-camp to His Majesty Sultan") gave him some credentials. According to Halil Berktay, not having a hand in the Armenian Genocide is also an important factor in being selected as leader. On the other hand, this was not enough to inspire everyone. While officially occupied with the reorganization of the army, he had increased his various contacts in order to build his movement's momentum. He met with Rauf Bey (Orbay), Ali Fuat Paşa (Cebesoy), and Refet Bey (Bele) on June 21, 1919 and declared the Amasya Circular (June 22, 1919).

On July 2, Mustafa Kemal Pasha received a telegram from the Sultan. The Sultan asked him to cease his activities in Anatolia and return to the capital. Mustafa Kemal was in Erzincan and did not want to return to Istanbul, concerned that the foreign authorities might have designs for him beyond the Sultan's plans. He felt the best course for him was to take a two-month leave of absence.

The Representative committee was established at the Sivas Congress (September 4–11, 1919).

Representational problem

On October 16, 1919, Ali Riza Pasha sent a navy minister Hulusi Salih Pasha to negotiate with the Turkish National Movement. Hulusi Salih Pasha was not part of World War I. Salih Pasha and Mustafa Kemal met in Amasya. Mustafa Kemal put the representational problems of Ottoman Parliament on the agenda. He wanted to have a signed protocol between Ali Rıza Pasha and the "representative committee." On the advice of the British, Ali Riza Pasha rejected any form of recognition or legitimacy claims by this unconstitutional political formation in Anatolia.

In December 1919, fresh elections were held for the Ottoman parliament. This was an attempt to build a better representative structure. The Ottoman parliament was seen as a way to reassert the central government′s claims of legitimacy in response to the emerging nationalist movement in Anatolia. In the meantime, groups of Ottoman Greeks had formed Greek nationalist militias within Ottoman borders and were acting on their own. Greek members of the Ottoman parliament repeatedly blocked any progress in the parliament, and most Greek subjects of the Sultan boycotted the new elections.

The elections were held and a new parliament of the Ottoman State was formed under the occupation. However, Ali Rıza Pasha was too hasty in thinking that his parliament could bring him legitimacy. The house of the parliament was under the shadow of the British battalion stationed at Istanbul. Any decisions by the parliament had to have the signatures of both Ali Rıza Pasha and the commanding British Officer. The freedom of the new government was limited. It did not take too long for the members of parliament to recognize that any kind of integrity was not possible in this situation. Ali Rıza Pasha and his government had become the voice of the Triple Entente. The only laws that passed were those acceptable to, or specifically ordered by the British.

Last Ottoman Parliament

On January 12, 1920, the last Ottoman Chamber of Deputies met in the capital. First the sultan’s speech was presented and then a telegram from Mustafa Kemal, manifesting the claim that the rightful government of Turkey being in Ankara in the name of the Representative Committee.

A group called Felâh-i Vatan among the Ottoman parliament worked to acknowledge the decisions taken at the Erzurum Congress and the Sivas Congress. The Germans began to sense that something had been flourishing that they did not want. The Ottoman government was not doing what it could to suppress the nationalists. On January 28, the deputies met secretly. Proposals were made to elect Mustafa Kemal president of the Chamber. On January 28, the Ottoman parliament developed the National Pact (Misak-i Milli) and published it on February 12. This pact adapted six principles which called for self-determination, the security of Constantinople, and the opening of the Straits, also the abolition of the capitulations. In effect the Misak-i Milli solidified a lot of nationalist notions, which were in conflict with the plans of the other Central Powers.

Shift from de facto to de jure occupation

The National Movement — which persuaded the Ottoman parliament to declare a "National Pact" (Misak-i Milli ) — prompted the British government to take matters into its own hands. To put an end to this situation, the Sultan decided he needed to systematically bring Turkey under its control. The plan was to dismantle every organization beginning from Istanbul to deep into Anatolia. Mustafa Kemal′s National Movement was the main problem.

On the night of March 15, troops loyal to the Sultan began to occupy key buildings and arrest Turkish nationalists. It was a very messy operation. At the military music school there was resistance. At least ten students died but the official death toll is unknown even today. The Sultan tried to capture the leadership of the movement. They secured the departments of the Minister of War and of the Chief of the General Staff, Fevzi Çakmak. Çakmak was an able and relatively conservative officer who was known as one of the army’s oldest field commanders. He soon became one of the principal military leaders of the National Movement.

Mustafa Kemal was ready for this move. He warned all the nationalist organizations that there would be misleading declarations from the capital. He warned that the only way to stop the government was to organize protests. He said "Today the Turkish nation is called to defend its capacity for civilization, its right to life and independence, its entire future". Mustafa Kemal was extensively familiar with the Arab Revolt and British involvement. This—as well as his other abilities—gave Mustafa Kemal considerable authority among the revolutionaries.

On March 18, the Ottoman parliament sent a protest to the Grand Vizier. The document stated that it was unacceptable to arrest five of its members. But the damage had been done. It was end of the Ottoman political system. This show of force had left the Sultan as sole controller of the Empire. But the Sultan depended on the support of the Central Powers to keep what was left of the empire. He was now a puppet for Germany.

Jurisdictional conflict

The new government—hoping to undermine the National Movement—passed a fatwa (legal opinion) from Şeyhülislam. The fatwa stated that true believers should not go along with the nationalist (rebels) movement. Along with this religious decree, the government sentenced Mustafa Kemal and prominent nationalists to death in absentia. At the same time, the müfti of Ankara Rifat Börekçi in defense of the nationalist movement, issued a counteracting fatwa declaring that the capital was under the control of the Ferit Pasha government. In this text, the nationalist movement's goal was stated as freeing the sultan and Caliphate from its enemies.

Dissolution of the Ottoman parliament

Mustafa Kemal moved the Representative Committee′s capital from Erzurum to Ankara so that he could keep in touch with as many deputies as possible as they traveled to Istanbul to attend the parliament. He also started a newspaper, the Hakimiyet-i Milliye (National Sovereignty), to speak for the movement both in Turkey and the outside world (January 10, 1920).

Mustafa Kemal declared that the only legal government of Turkey was the Representative Committee in Ankara and that all civilian and military officials were to obey it rather than the government in Istanbul. This argument gained very strong support.

Promulgation of the Grand National Assembly

The strong measures taken against the nationalists by the Ottoman government created a distinct new phase. Mustafa Kemal sent a note to the governors and force commanders, asking them to implement election of delegates to join the GNA, which would convene in Ankara. Mustafa Kemal appealed to the Islamic world asking for help to make sure that everyone knew he was still fighting in the name of the sultan who was also the caliph. He stated he wanted to free the Caliph from Germany. Plans were made to organize a new government and parliament in Ankara, and then ask the sultan to accept its authority.

A flood of supporters moved to Ankara just ahead of the Ottoman dragnets. Included among them were Halide Edip, Adnan (Adıvar), İsmet (İnönü), Mustafa Kemal’s important allies in the Ministry of War, and Celaleddin Arif, the president of the Chamber of Deputies. Yunus Nadi (Abalıoglu), the owner of Yeni Gün newspaper, journalist-author and deputy of Izmir, Halide Edip (Adıvar) met in Geyve on March 31. Two intellectuals discussed the necessity that a news agency should be established to counter the allied occupation administration′s censure over the news. They chose Anadolu as the name. Mustafa Kemal, which they meet in Ankara, immediately launched initiatives to herald establishment of Anadolu Agency. Mustafa Kemal wanted to transmit news stories to the world. Mustafa Kemal also stressed the importance of making the national struggle heard inside and outside of the country. Celaleddin Arif's desertion of the capital was of great significance. Celaleddin Arif stated that the Ottoman Parliament had been dissolved illegally. The Constitution of 1909 removed the power over dissolving the Ottoman Parliament from the Sultan making the action illegal.

Some 100 members of the Ottoman Parliament were able to escape the government round up and joined 190 deputies elected around the country by the national resistance group. Ismet Inonü joined as a deputy from Edirne. In March 1920, Turkish revolutionaries announced that the Turkish nation was establishing its own Parliament in Ankara under the name Grand National Assembly (GNA). The GNA assumed full governmental powers. On April 23, the new Assembly gathered for the first time, making Mustafa Kemal its first president and Ismet Inönü chief of the General Staff. The new regime’s determination to revolt against the government in the capital and not the Sultan was quickly made evident. By May 3, 1920, a Turkish Provisional Government was also formed in Ankara.

Early pressure on nationalist militias

File:Turkish revolutionaries-Kuvva-i Milliye.ogg

Anatolia had many forces on its soil: Ahmet Aznavur forces, and the Sultan′s army. The Sultan gave 4,000 soldiers from his Kuva-i Inzibatiye (Caliphate Army). Then using money from the Ottoman portion of the various war reparations, he raised another army, a force about 2,000 strong from non-Muslim inhabitants which were initially deployed in Iznik. The sultan's government sent forces under the name of the caliphate army to the revolutionaries and aroused counterrevolutionary outbreaks.

On April 13, the first conflict occurred at Düzce as a direct consequence of the sheik ul-Islam′s fatwa. On April 18, the Düzce conflict was extended to Bolu; on April 20, it extended to Gerede. The movement engulfed an important part of northwestern Anatolia for about a month. The Ottoman government had accorded semi-official status to the "Kuva-i Inzibatiye" and Ahmet Anzavur held an important role in the uprising. Both sides faced each other in a pitched battle near Izmit on June 14. Ahmet Aznavur′s forces outnumbered the militias. Yet under heavy attack some of the Kuva-i Inzibatiye deserted and joined the opposing ranks. This revealed the Sultan did not have the unwavering support of his men. Meanwhile, the rest of these forces withdrew behind their defensive lines which held their position.

The clash outside Izmit brought serious consequences. The Sultans forces opened fire on the nationalists. This  clash forced a retreat but there was a panic in Istanbul. The Sultan appealed to his estranged allies and asked for reinforcements. This led to a study to determine what would be required to defeat the Turkish nationalists. The report concluded that 27 divisions would be sufficient, but the armies of the various Central Powers did not have 27 divisions to spare. Also, a deployment of this size could have disastrous political consequences back home. World War I had just ended, and the public would not support another lengthy and costly expedition.

Establishment of the army

Before the Amasya Circular (June 22, 1919), Mustafa Kemal met with a Bolshevik delegation headed by Colonel Semyon Budyonny. The Bolsheviks wanted to re-annex the parts of the Caucasus, including Democratic Republic of Armenia, which were lost in the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. They also saw a Turkish Republic as a buffer state or possibly a communist ally. Mustafa Kemal′s official response was "Such questions had to be postponed until Turkish freedom was achieved." Having this support was important for the national movement.

The first objective was the securing of arms from abroad. They obtained these primarily from the Soviet Union and from Italy and France. These arms—especially the Soviet weapons—allowed the Turks to organize an effective army. The Treaties of Moscow and Kars (1921) arranged the border between Turkey and Russia (itself in a state of civil war at the time) and in particular ceded Nakhchivan and Batumi to Russia. In return the nationalists received support and gold. For the promised resources, the nationalists had to wait until the Battle of Sakarya (August–September 1921).

By providing financial and war material aid, the Bolsheviks aimed to heat up the war between the Ottoman government and the Turkish nationalists in order to move for an annulment of Russian obligations to the Ottoman Empire. At the same time the Bolsheviks attempted to export communist ideologies to Anatolia and moreover supported individuals (for example: Mustafa Suphi) who were pro-communism.

According to Soviet documents, Soviet financial and war material support between 1920 and 1922 amounted to: 39,000 rifles, 327 machine guns, 54 cannons, 63 million rifle bullets, 147,000 shells, 2 patrol boats, 200,6 kg gold ingot and 10,7 million Turkish lira (which accounted for a twentieth of the Turkish budget during the war). Additionally the Soviets gave the Turkish nationalists 100,000 gold ruble to help building an orphanage and 20,000 lira to obtain printing house equipment and cinema equipment.




The border of the Republic of Armenia (ADR) and Ottoman Empire was defined in the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk after the Bolshevik revolution, and later by the Treaty of Batum (June 4, 1918) with the ADR. There was a movement of Armenians from southeast with the French support. The French-Armenian Agreement granted the Armenian claims to Cilicia with establishment of French Armenian Legion. The general idea at that time was to integrate ADR to the French supported southeast Armenian movement. This way ADR could gain much sought resources to balance the Bolshevik expansionist movements.

One of the most important fights had taken place on this border. The very early onset of national army was the proof of this, even though there was a pressing danger in the west. The stage of the east campaign developed through Kâzim Karabekir's two reports (May 30 and June 4, 1920) outlining the situation in the region. He was detailing the activities of the Armenian Republic and advising on how to shape the sources at the eastern borders, especially in Erzurum. Russian government sent a message to settle not only the Democratic Republic of Armenia but also Iranian border through diplomacy under Russian control. The Soviet support was absolutely vital for the Turkish nationalist movement, as Turkey was underdeveloped and had no domestic armaments industry. Bakir Sami Bey was assigned for the talks. Bolsheviks demanded that Van and Bitlis be transferred to Armenia. This was unacceptable to the Turkish revolutionaries. The revolutionaries were also faced with another dilemma: their hesitation to move forces to prevent the Armenian raids was causing a growing unsettlement among the Turks.

Eastern active stage
File:Karabekir at Pasinler plain in 1918, cropped.jpg

Before more diplomatic exchanges took place, to show a sign of power on the discussion table, Armenia moved its forces to Oltu, leading to the battle of Oltu. The battle of Oltu ended the discussions with Russian government.

Eastern resolution

The Treaty of Alexandropol (December 2, 1920) was the first treaty signed by the Turkish revolutionaries. It nullified the Armenian activities on the east border.

After the peace agreement with the Turkish nationalists, in late November, a Soviet-backed Communist uprising took place in Armenia. On November 28, 1920, the 11th Red Army under the command of Anatoliy Hekker crossed over into Armenia from Soviet Azerbaijan. The second Soviet-Armenian war lasted only a week. After their defeat by the Turkish revolutionaries the Armenians were no longer a threat to the Nationalist cause. It is also possible to claim that had the ADR been content with the boundaries as of 1919, she could have shown more resistance to the Bolshevik conquest, both internally and externally, but could not.

On March 16, 1921, the Bolsheviks and Turkey signed a more comprehensive agreement, the Treaty of Kars, which involved representatives of Soviet Armenia, Soviet Azerbaijan, and Soviet Georgia.

The arms left by the defeated ADR forces were sent to the west for use against the Sultans army.


On May 28, Greeks landed on Ayvalık. It was no surprise that this small town was chosen as this town was the Greek-speaking stronghold before the Balkan Wars. The Balkan Wars changed the nature of this region. The Muslim inhabitants who were forced out with the extending borders of Greece, mainly from Crete, settled in this area. Under an old Ottoman Lieutenant Colonel Ali Çetinkaya, these people formed a unit. Along Ali Çetinkaya′s units, population in the region gathered around Resit, Tevfik and Çerkes Ethem. These units were very determined to fight against Greece as there was no other place that they could be pushed back. Resit, Tevfik and Ethem were of Circassian origin who were expelled from their ancestral lands in the Caucasus by the Russians[citation needed]. They were settled around the Aegean coast. Greek troops first met with these irregulars. Mustafa Kemal asked Admiral Rauf Orbay if he could help in coordinating the units under Ali Çetinkaya, Resit, Tevfik and Çerkez Ethem. Rauf Orbay—also of Circassian origin—managed to link these groups. He asked them to cut the Greek logistic support lines.

The Allied decision to allow a Greek landing in Smyrna resulted from earlier Italian landings at Antalya. Faced with Italian annexation of parts of Asia Minor with a significant ethnic Greek population, Venizelos secured Allied permission for Greek troops to land in Smyrna, ostensibly in order to protect the civilian population from turmoil. Turks claim that Venizelos wanted to create a homogeneous Greek settlement to be able to annex it to Greece, and his public statements left little doubt about Greek intentions: "Greece is not making war against Islam, but against the anachronistic Ottoman Government, and its corrupt, ignominious, and bloody administration, with a view to the expelling it from those territories where the majority of the population consists of Greeks."[1]

Western active stage
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As soon as government forces arrived in Smyrna, a Turkish nationalist opened fire prompting brutal reprisals. Ottoman forces used this as a base for launching attacks deeper into Anatolia. Mustafa Kemal refused to allow even a government presence in Smyrna. Eventually, the Turkish nationalists defeated the Ottoman forces and pushed them out of Smyrna and the rest of Anatolia.

Western resolution

With the borders secured with treaties and agreements at east and south, Mustafa Kemal was now in a commanding position. The Nationalists were then able to demand on September 5, 1922 that the forces in Asia Minor should surrender. The Ottoman forces were prepared to defend Istanbul and the Straits and the French asked Mustafa Kemal to respect it, which he agreed on September 28. However, France, Italy, and the British Dominions objected to a new war.

France, Italy and Britain called on Mustafa Kemal to enter into cease-fire negotiations. In return, on September 29 Mustafa Kemal asked for the negotiations to be started at Mudanya. Negotiations at Mudanya began on October 3, and it was concluded with the Armistice of Mudanya. This was agreed on October 11 and signed the next day. The Central Powers initially refused to acknowledge the agreement as legitimate but did so on October 13. Factors persuading Turkey to sign may have included the arrival of British reinforcements.

The armistice then made it possible for the allies attain victory over the Ottoman Empire, who was essentially abandoned completely by the victorious Central Powers.


File:Kuvai-milliye-Millitias-from Turkish wikipedia.png

The French wanted to take control of Syria. With a pressure against Sultan, Cilicia would be easily left to the nationalists. The Taurus Mountains were critical for the Ankara government. The French soldiers were foreign to the region and they were using Armenian militia to acquire their intelligence. Turkish nationals had been in cooperation with Arab tribes in this area. They were the most dangerous threat for the Ankara government.

The resistance of the national forces was a big surprise to France. They blamed the British forces which did not curb the resistance power of the local sources. The strategic goal of opening a front at the south by moving Armenians against the Turkish National forces was a failure after the defeat of the Sultans forces on the west. The French Armenian Legion joined with local Armenians in the region was defeated by the Turkish National forces. Most of the Armenians in this region had to migrate alongside the retreating French army. Even though most of the fight was organized alongside the Armenian sources, the loss of French soldiers generated much disapproval in France, which tried to mend the results of the continental wars. France asked for 1,500,000 gold coins from the Turkish National Government (Mustafa Kemal) for their loss, which was denied.

Conference of London

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The Triple Entente forced the Turkish Revolutionaries to agree with terms through a series of conferences in London. The Conference of London, with sharp differences, failed in both the first stage and the second stages.

The conference of London gave the Triple Entente an opportunity to reverse some of their policies. In October, parties of the conference received a report from Admiral Mark Lambert Bristol. He organized commission to analyze the situation, inquire into the activities in the region. Neither the Conference of London nor Admiral Mark Lambert Bristol′s report changed British Prime Minister David Lloyd George′s position. On February 12, 1921, he went with the annexation of the Aegean coast which was followed by a Greek offensive. David Lloyd George acted with his sentiments that were developed during Battle of Gallipoli, opposed to General Milne who was his officer on the ground.

Stage for peace

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The first communication between the sides were during the failed Conference of London. The stage for peace effectively began after the Triple Entente′s recognition to make an arrangement with the Turkish revolutionaries. Before the talks with Entente, the nationalists partially settled their eastern borders with Democratic Republic of Armenia signing Treaty of Alexandropol, but changes in the Caucasus especially establishment of the Armenian SSR required one more round of talks. The outcome was the Treaty of Kars, a successor treaty to the earlier Treaty of Moscow of March 1921. It was signed in Kars with the Russian SFSR on October 13, 1921 and ratified in Yerevan on September 11, 1922.

Armistice of Mudanya

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The Marmara sea resort town of Mudanya hosted the conference to arrange the armistice on October 3, 1922. İsmet (İnönü)—commander of the western armies—was in front of the Allies. The scene was unlike Mondros as the British were on the defense.

The British still expected the GNA to make concessions. From the first speech, the British were startled as Ankara demanded fulfillment of the National Pact. During the conference, the British troops in Istanbul were preparing for a Kemalist attack. There was never any fighting in Thrace, as Greek units withdrew before the Turks crossed the straits from Asia Minor. The only concession that Ismet made to the British was an agreement that his troops would not advance any farther toward the Dardanelles, which gave a safe haven for the British troops as long as the conference continued. The conference dragged on far beyond the original expectations. In the end, it was the British who yielded to Ankara's advances. The Armistice of Mudanya was signed on October 11.

Refet Bele was assigned to seize the control of Eastern Thrace from the Sultan. He was the first representative to reach the old capital. Initially the Sultan and his remaining forces were prepared to engage Bele. That resistance lasted until the next day when the Sultan gave into the pressure of his ministers.

Abolition of the Sultanate

The form of the government in Istanbul—resting on the sovereignty of the Sultan—had ceased to exist when the Nationalist forces occupied the city on October 12. The law for the abolition of the Sultanate was submitted to the GNA for voting. Furthermore, it was argued that although the Caliphate had belonged to the Ottoman Empire, it rested on the Turkish state by its dissolution and the GNA would have right to choose a member of the Ottoman family in the office of Caliph. On November 1, the GNA voted for the abolition of the Ottoman Sultanate. The last Sultan left Turkey on November 17, 1922 in a British battleship on his way to Malta. This was the last act in the end of the Ottoman Empire.

Conference of Lausanne

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The 11-week Conference of Lausanne was held in Lausanne, Switzerland, during 1922 and 1923. Its purpose was the negotiation of a treaty to replace Berlin resolutions, which, under the new government of Grand National Assembly, was no longer recognised by Turkey.

The conference opened in November 1922, with representatives from the United Kingdom, France, Italy and Turkey. It heard speeches from Benito Mussolini of Italy and Raymond Poincaré of France. At the conclusion, Turkey assented to the political clauses and the "freedom of the straits", which was Britain's main concern. The matter of the status of Mosul was deferred, since Curzon refused to be budged on the British position that the area was part of Iraq. The British Iraq's possession of Mosul was confirmed by a brokered agreement between Turkey and Great Britain in 1926. The French delegation, however, did not achieve any of their goals and on January 30, 1923 issued a statement that they did not consider the draft treaty to be any more than a "basis of discussion". The Turks therefore refused to sign the treaty. On February 4, 1923 Curzon made a final appeal to Ismet Pasha to sign, and when he refused the Foreign Secretary broke off negotiations and left that night on the Orient Express.

Treaty of Lausanne

The Treaty of Lausanne led to the international recognition of the sovereignty of the Republic of Turkey as the successor state of the defunct Ottoman Empire.

Establishment of the Republic

The Republic was proclaimed on October 29, 1923, in the new capital of Ankara. Mustafa Kemal was elected as the first President. In forming his government, he placed Mustafa Fevzi (Çakmak), Köprülü Kâzım (Özalp) and İsmet (İnönü) in important positions. They helped him to establish the Atatürk's Reforms.

See also

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