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Sultanate of Turkey (1983: Doomsday)

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Sultanate of Turkey
Türkiye Sultanlığı
Timeline: 1983: Doomsday

OTL equivalent: Republic of Turkey
Flag of Turkey Presidential Seal of the Republic of Turkey
Flag of the Sultanate of Turkey Coat of Arms of the Sultanate of Turkey
Location of Sultanate of Turkey

Peace in the Homeland, Peace in the World (Turkish)
("Yurtta Sulh, Cihanda Sulh")

Anthem "İstiklal Marşı"
Capital Konya
Largest city Konya
Other cities Antalya, Gaziantep, New Izmir
Language Turkish
  others Orthodox Christianity, Judaism
Ethnic Groups
  others Kurdish, Syrian
Demonym Turkish
Government Constitutional Monarchy with a Parliamentary Democracy
  legislature Imperial Council
Sultan Bayezid Osman
  Royal house: Osman
Crown Prince Süleyman Osman
Grand Vizier Ali Babacan
Population 38,371,394 people
Established March 15, 1984
Independence from Republic of Turkey
  declared October 29, 1923
Currency Lira
Organizations Mediterranean Defense League

The Sultanate of Turkey is a post-Doomsday nation that arose from the ashes of the now-defunct Republic of Turkey. It is located primarily in the territory of pre-Doomsday Turkey and northern Syria. It is considered the legitimate successor state to the pre-Doomsday Republic of Turkey.


See main article: History of the Sultanate of Turkey


National Government

The Sultanate of Turkey is a secular constitutional monarchy with a parliamentary democracy. The Head of State is the Sultan, who is currently Bayezid Osman. The Sultan retains substantial powers, but primarily delegates those powers to the Imperial Council, which he chairs. He also retains ceremonial powers, such as officially appointing the Grand Vizier and members of Kubbealtı and receiving ambassadors. He can also dissolve the Imperial Assembly with the approval of the Imperial Council.

Sultans of Turkey
  1. Ertuğrul Osman (Ertugrul II March 15, 1984 - September 23, 2009
  2. Bayezid Osman (Bayezid III September 23, 2009 - Present)

The Imperial Council is the primary executive body of the Sultanate of Turkey. It is composed of the Sultan, the Grand Vizier, the Kubbealtı ministers, and the Joint Chiefs of Staff. It was created as a compromise of the civilian, military and religious leaders who founded the Sultanate. It both restricts the Sultan and commands the Imperial Assembly. Only it has the power to ratify treaties, deploy the military, and coordinate the functions of government.

  • The Grand Vizier is the official Chief of State of the Sultanate of Turkey. He is typically the leader of the majority party in the Imperial Assembly or the agreed upon leader of the ruling coalition. He leads the Assembly, guides the legislative process, and enacts government policies. In reality, he must act with a majority in the Imperial Council to be effective.
  • The Kubbealtı Ministers are the heads of the various departments within the executive branch of government. Kubbealtı, or "Under the Dome," is an old Ottoman-era title for the collective body of the ministers of state, or viziers. In all, there are 15 Kubbealtı ministers. Each commands their ministry and directs their policies. They are a crucial and deciding part of the Imperial Council and must act by their direction.
    • Foreign Ministry
    • Finance Ministry
    • Defense Ministry
    • Interior Ministry
    • Justice Ministry
    • Agricultural Ministry
    • Commerce Ministry
    • Labor Ministry
    • Health Ministry
    • Transportation Ministry
    • Housing Ministry
    • Culture Ministry
    • Energy Ministry
    • Education Ministry
    • Intelligence Ministry
  • The Joint Chiefs of Staff are the heads of the various branches of the military and national police. There is a Chief of Staff for the Army, Navy, Air Force, and Subasi. Each has a seat on the Imperial Council.

The Imperial Assembly is the legislative body of the Sultanate of Turkey. It is a unicameral legislature with 400 members. It retains sole legislative power, but in the early years was subordinate to the Imperial Council in practicality. It is similar to the pre-Doomsday Grand National Assembly, but has been modified to deal with the post-Doomsday world. Its members are elected for 5 year terms from their electoral district. Unlike the pre-Doomsday Assembly, the Imperial Assembly only requires a party to win 5% of the overall vote to be seated resulting in more parties being present in the Assembly. It is divided into various committees and subcommittees where most of the legislative work is done. Each committee or subcommittee dominates legislation in their relevant area.

The Turkish Judiciary is divided into a variety of different courts. The primary national court is the High Council of Justice, which is the ultimate decider on judicial questions. They must base their decision on the constitution, existing laws, and the facts. They are highly independent, though all national court judges must be approved by the Imperial Assembly.

Provincial Government

The Sultanate of Turkey is divided into one self-governing republic, 21 provinces, and five military districts. A province is administered by an appointed governor (vali). The provinces are divided into a number of different districts. Each province has a government area (il merkezi) in the central district (merkez ilçe), and may include other districts (ilçe singular, ilçeler plural). In all but three cases, the government area bears the same name as the province. Most provinces in the south kept their pre-Doomsday names and territorial designations. Many provinces in the east and north were redrawn as a result of the post-Doomsday communities and states that arose their.

Miiltary and Civilian Provinces

In addition, pre-Doomsday administrative subdivisions, territorial designations, and names were kept. All provinces are divided into a series of districts. The district bears the same name as the district capital (with the exception of the district of Antakya (in Hatay)). A district may cover both rural and urban areas. One district of a province is the "central district" (merkez ilçe); the central district is administered by an appointed "vice-governor" and other districts by a "sub-governor" (kaymakam). Each municipality (belediye) in the urban zone (belde) of a district is an administrative division subject to elections depending on the province. Each district (including the central district) corresponds to a specific area within the province. The area is administered from the "district center" (ilçe merkezi, not to be confused with "central district" merkez ilçe), where resides the appointed kaymakam, the head official for that district, who is responsible to the province governor. Central districts do not have kaymakams, they are administered by a vice-governor. All district centers have municipalities (belediye), headed by an elected mayor, who administers a defined municipality area (usually matching the urban zone) for defined municipal matters. A growing number of settlements, which are outside of district centers, have municipalities as well, usually because their population requires one. These are (also) called belde. They haven't (yet) become district centers because there is one close by, or due to some other reason. A belde has a mayor (responsible for its municipal zone), but not a kaymakam, and depends administratively on the district center of the district within whose boundaries it is situated. At the bottom end, there are villages, who have elected muhtars taking care of specific administrative matters such as residence registration. Furthermore, each quarter (mahalle) of a district center and belde has a muhtar as well, also for specific administrative questions. The designation slightly differs (köy muhtarı for village muhtar, mahalle muhtarı for quarter muhtar) and also the tasks, which are largely similar but adapted to their locality. In some cases, a belde has become larger than the district center it depends on, and a district center larger than the central district it depends on (and many other district centers). One final note is the büyükşehir belediyesi (or greater municipality) for metropolises like İstanbul or İzmir, an extra administrative layer which has at its top an elected head mayor, who oversee a number of municipalities and mayors.

The self-governing republics are autonomous administrative areas within the Sultanate of Turkey. They maintain jurisdiction over primarily social policies and some economic policies, while their inter-provincial and foreign policy is controlled by the national government. Also, unlike the provinces, the self-governing republics are allowed to maintain their own militias that act only in their self-defense. Their military forces are jointly commanded and funded by the national government and the republic. They are required to maintain a democratic government, but the specifics of that government are up to the people of the republic to decide.

A military district is a territory that has been put under military rule during its province transitional phase. Typically, only recently acquired territories are divided into military districts. Each district is administered by a Army general and each subdistrict is administered by a colonel. The entire district is occupied by a specifically assigned military force, typically of division strength. The division is primarily composed of conscripted soldiers, as occupation is the primary duty of conscripts during their terms of service. In addition, a military tribunal will act as the judiciary for the district until the transition to province status is complete. After the situation in the district is stable, the Imperial Assembly will begin the process of establishing a provincial government. Once that government is established, the military general previously in charge of the territory will hand over power to the newly elected governor and the occupational forces will withdraw to their bases.


After Doomsday, most Turkish political parties dissolved for various reasons. Since then, many new parties have appeared representing the new factions in Turkish society. In the early years of the Sultanate, a Kemalist-type oligarchy ruled the country for several years through the chaotic post-Doomsday years. Once the oligarchy relinquished control back to the elected government, new political power groups arose to gain control of the country. Since Doomsday, Turkey has become increasingly nationalistic and expansionist. Most contribute this trend to the re-establishment of the Ottoman Sultanate in 1984 and foreign control of Turkish territories. In addition, the chaos of the post-Doomsday world has started a religious revival in Turkey As a result, these political trends have resulted in a shift to the right in Turkish polities. Luckily, social policies have not been degraded and xenophobia has not seen any dangerous increases.

Political Parties


The New Türkiye Party (YTP) is a new political party formed since Doomsday. It primarily finds its support among the nationalist and militarist factions in the government. It also has major connections with the pro-Republicans within the Sultanate and has cautiously supported the removal of the monarchy. In the late 1990s, the New Turkiye Party began to win more seats in the Imperial Assembly. In 2000, it became the majority party and ruled through a coalition with the Conservative and Virtue Parties. Once it rose to power, it began a rapid expansionist agenda beginning with the Eastern Conquest. In 2005, they became large enough to rule without their coalition partners. The New Turkiye Party seeks to establish Turkey as a post-Doomsday regional power and new economic engine for the region.

The Party of Virtue (EP) is another new political party formed since Doomsday. They were founded by religious leaders in Konya, which is its primary base of support. It is considered the only true Islamic political party and has grown in accordance with the religious revival sweeping Turkey. It's policies are generally very socially and politically conservative. There are many factions within the party, one of which calls for the establishment of a caliphate and an Islamic Empire. Another prominent faction calls for a moderate democracy without religious limitations, which is currently the dominant faction in the party. It has remained a minority party throughout its history, but has had influence on political affairs within the nation such as its Islamic trends. From 2000-2005, it was a minor coalition partner together with the New Turkiye and Conservative Parties.

The Royalist Party (KP) are a group of newcomers to the political arena. They were formed shortly after the creation of the Sultanate. The generally support the power of the Sultan and the policies laid down by the first Sultan, Ertuğrul II. While they support a strong sultanate, they are generally pro-democratic and fairly socially liberal. From 1994-1999, they were the largest party in the Imperial Assembly. They ruled through a coalition government with the Republican's People Party for those years.

The Conservative Party (MP) is a new party created post-Doomsday, with roots in the old Nationalist Movement Party. They are an extremely pro-democracy party with conservative viewpoints on government. While they are socially liberal, they believe in a government that minimally interferes with people's daily lives. However, they strongly support the military and Turkish expansion. They also oppose how the re-industrialization program is run. They were the dominant party in the early years of the Sultanate, 1990-1994. They have often collaborate with the New Turkiye Party and Party of Virtue to pursue their common policies in recent years.

The Republican's People Party (CHP) is the only major pre-Doomsday party in Turkish politics. It is a liberal, pro-democracy power that has come to accommodate itself with the new Sultanate. However, they continue to oppose the existence of the Sultanate in principle and vow to eventually abolish it, in accordance with their Kemalist principles. They support the re-industrialization program, expansive government economic controls, and social liberalism. However, they oppose military expansionism beyond pre-Doomsday territorial borders and other so-called Turkish lands, but their members who support expansionism have slowly deserted to the New Turkiye Party. In 2005 with the incorporation of the IGA into the Sultanate, the Republican's People Party received a major boost in support. Many suspect that in future years they could dethrone the ruling New Turkiye Party.

The Crescent Union (HS) is a new party created in 2005 after the dropping of the Party of Virtue from the ruling coalition. As a result of the re-introduction of Turkey to the Islamic world, many Islamic fundamentalists, some of whom came from the Party of Virtue, sought to reconnect with their Muslim brethren. However, political necessities delayed activism for this goal. After the Party of Virtue was dropped from the ruling coalition, the internal fractures within the party finally split it apart. The bulk of the party, dominated by moderates, remained with the party and continued to seek a moderate Islamic democracy. The more radical wings of the party left to form the Crescent Union, which seeks to establish a pan-Islamic caliphate and reassert Turkish claims to the caliph. The last caliph, Abdülmecid II, was also the last sultan of the Ottoman Empire, whose heir is the current Sultan of Turkey. The members of the Crescent Union wish to reassert this claim in order to gain leadership over the Muslim world.

The Alliance for a New Syria (SL), also known as the Syrian League, is a Syrian Arab political party based in Turkish Syria. They formed from contacts made between Syrian refugees in Turkey and Syrian survivors in Turkish-controlled northern Syria. While their motives and economic ideas vary, their unifying political goal is the re-unification of Syria. The Alliance is split into two camps on how to go about this. One side believes they should play to Turkish expansionist aims to oversee a Turkish conquest of Syria and then either declare their independence or enter into a union with Turkey. The other camp believes Turkish Syria should claim immediate independence, unite with Al Jazerra, and conquer the rest of the country. Currently, the pro-Turkey faction is dominant in the League as this is the only thing preventing the Syrian League from being outright banned and their members arrested.

History of Ruling Parties

1984-1990: Oligarch Era

A coalition of military, civilian, and religious leaders ruled the nation through the Imperial Council immediately after its foundation. The Sultan was very weak at this time. They lead the nation through its initial trials.

1990-1994: Conservative Rule

The Conservative Party ruled the nation after the oligarchs were forced from power by the increasingly powerful Imperial Assembly. They instituted wide ranging pro-democratic reforms and fully honored the Constitution. They also wished to abolish the Sultanate, which they now saw as useless, but they did not have the votes to do so. They also began the expansion to the north and west. Izmir and the western coastal provinces were re-acquired during their tenure in office.
Grand Vizier:

1994-1999: Royalist-Republican Coalition

During the years of conservative rule, the Sultan gained more political power through the implementation of the constitution and his wide-reaching popular support. In addition, thanks to his intelligence and oratory skills, he was able to create a large base of support in the Imperial Assembly, which coalesced into the Royalist Party. In 1994, the Royalists won the 1994 elections and became the majority party, but were too small to establish a coalition. As a result,they chose the like-minded Republican's People Party as their coalition partner. This coalition was highly successful in the rebuilding of the Turkish economy, though they also continued Conservative expansion initiatives. In addition, they strengthened the power of the Sultan and continued to expand the social policies of Ertuğrul II. They also initiated the re-industrialization program and oversaw the Hatayan-Sultanate War, which resulted in a Sultanate victory.
Grand Vizier: Mesut Yılmaz

2000-2005: Nationalists Triumphant!

Though the Royalists and Republicans oversaw the Hatayan War, the New Turkiye Party benefited most from it due to the increase in nationalism and military support it brought. As a result, the New Turkiye Party won the 2000 election and became the majority party. They created a coalition with the Conservative and Virtue Parties to rule the country. During this coalition's rule, Turkey saw the continuation of the re-industrialization program and the height of the post-war reconstruction. In addition, the Sultanate also began to infiltrate into the Eastern Turkish Wasteland. In the months before the 2005 election to assure their victory, the coalition rushed a rapid invasion of the State of Elazig, which was conquered only 3 days before the election.
Grand Vizier: Bülent Ecevit

2005-2011: A New Era in Turkey

After the 2005 elections, the New Turkiye Party won enough seats in the Imperial Assembly to rule alone. As a result, they cast off their coalition partners and began to radically pursue their agenda. During the previous coalition, Conservative opposition prevented an invasion of the Wastelands, which was a major New Turkiye objective. Now that they ruled alone, within six months of their election, the Sultanate began supporting wars between the various warlords of the Eastern Wasteland. Though, to preserve popular opinion, no Sultanate troops were deployed. A strategic decision was made to fight the war via proxy, using their primary allies in the Wasteland, Republic of Greater Patnos and New Erzurum. Their ultimate goal is to eventually conquer the Wasteland, however, with weak reelection prospects in 2011 due to the rise in the Republican's People Party, it may not happen under their rule.
Grand Vizier: Ahmet Necdet Sezer

2011-Present:Continued Prosperity

Thanks to the continued prosperity delivered by the New Turkiye Party, they were delivered another election victory on 12 June, 2011. With a strong military, internal stability, and economic growth, the YTP was able to maintain popular support, despite rumblings of authoritarianism. However, these charges and nearly 10 years of YTP domination of Turkish politics resulted in minor gains for the opposition. Led by the Republican People's Party, the primary opposition controls about 40% of the Imperial Parliament, with minor parties controlling the other 10%. During their third term in power and led by their new grand vizier, Ali Babacan, the New Turkiye Party promises to further expand Turkish territory, while continuing strong economic growth.
Grand Vizier: Ali Babacan

Current Parliamentary Representation

YTP 206

CHP 92

KP 56

MP 30

SL 12

EP Three

HS One


New Turkiye Party Majority Party

Republican People's Party-Royalist Party Opposition

Conservative Party-Party of Virtue Opposition


The Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) are divided into three branches: the Turkish Imperial Army (Türk İmparatorluk Ordusu), the Turkish Imperial Navy (Türk İmparatorluk Donanması), and the Turkish Imperial Air Force (Türk İmparatorluk Hava Kuvvetleri). In the early years after the formation of the Sultanate, primary developmental focus was on the Army. The Army was the primary instrument with which security, stability, and order was maintained in the early years after Doomsday. However, starting in 1998, increased funding was appropriated for the Navy to advance its increasing interests at sea, which were primarily related with trade. Also, the country was beginning to trend towards the nationalistic anti-Greece stance it holds today. Turkish leaders realized that they would need a strong navy to compete with the major naval power that was the Confederation, now Federation, of Greece. The Air Force is a newly rebuilt arm of the Turkish Armed Forces. While older planes from the Republic of Turkey's Air Force and those obtained from NATO forces based in Turkey at the time of Doomsday are maintained, no new planes were built nor was the air force expanded until 2001 with the beginning of the Re-industrialization Program. The Turkish Air Force is posed to become the dominant aerial combat force in the Middle East. In all, the Turkish Armed Forces has 800,000 total personnel. This is comprised of 400,000 active service personnel, 250,000 reserve personnel, and 150,000 paramilitary personnel.

The Turkish military reimplemented conscription in 1987. All able men ages 20-40 are required to spend 15 months in military service. There are reduced terms of service for those with higher level education or those who are in crucial areas of the Turkish government or economy. This has resulted in an extremely large peacetime Turkish military. Most conscripts are deployed for internal security and border defense. Volunteer units are used, almost exclusively, for offensive operations.

As with pre-Doomsday Turkey, the military of the Sultanate of Turkey remains a powerful military force with significant political influence. It remains a defender of the secularism of the Turkish nation. In addition, it is a major supporter and component of the New Türkiye Party. Lead by its military supporters, the New Türkiye Party has began a militaristic expansion for the purpose of expansion in the Middle East and southeast Europe.

Beginning in the mid-1990s, the Turkish military began developing its own military supplies. Previously, it had relied on the left over military supplies from pre-Doomsday. With the assistance of NATO personnel trapped in Turkey after Doomsday, the Turkish military reverse engineered many American aircraft, tanks, and other weaponry, which were put into mass production as soon as possible. In 1994, small armaments production was re-initiated, though other less organized forms of ammunition production began years before that. In 2002, tank production began. In 2006, the Turkish military began developing new weapons, which were some of the most advanced in the region. In 2007, Turkish industry began producing aircraft, specifically fighters, bombers, and aerial supply vehicles. In addition, weapons have been imported from Israel and Saudi Arabia, who have the most advance defense industries in the region. With these new weapons, the Turkish military was able to arm its military properly and make it one of the strongest in the region.

The Sultanate of Turkey also maintains military bases in foreign countries. In Macedonia, there is a joint Army-Air Force base located outside the capital, Skopje, which was established in 1998. There is also a newly built joint Turkish-Macedonian naval base in Thessaloniki. The Turkish Army and Air Force also maintain joint bases in Bosnia outside Sarajevo, the Republic of Greater Patnos, and New Erzurum. The Turkish military is also integrated into the joint-command framework of the Mediterranean Defense League.



Turkish Army Seal

The Turkish Imperial Army (TIO) is the largest branch of the Turkish Armed Forces. It has 300,000 total personnel, which is comprised of 205,000 soldiers, 90,000 support and logistics personnel, and 5,000 General Staff personnel. This is the primary military force in Turkey. It is primarily a volunteer force. At any given time, volunteers compose 60% of the army. The remaining 40% are conscripts or criminals who have chosen to serve their sentences through military service. Of the 250,000 total reserve personnel of the TSK, 180,000 are Army Reservists. These are fully trained personnel who are called up when necessary to serve in the regular armed forces.

The Maroon Berets are Turkey's primary special forces group that operates under the auspices of the Turkish Army. It is composed of 8,000 total personnel, including special forces soldiers, logistics personnel, and leadership. Its primary duty is to operate behind enemy lines and explore distant territories. They have seen combat in Macedonia and have been deployed across the Black Sea basin in exploration missions where they have been successful with acquiring former Soviet technology and rare supplies to bring back to Turkey.

The Special Forces Command, colloquially known as the Red Berets, are another semi-autonomous special forces group that operates under the umbrella of the Turkish Army. It is composed of 7,000+ personnel, though the exact total is unknown even to the Turkish government. Their primary duty is conducting anti-terrorism operations and operating in foreign countries in order to subvert enemy governments. Before Doomsday, the Red Berets, and their civilian counterparts the White Berets, were a highly secretive organization that operated all but independently from the Turkish government with strong backing from the United States as one of the numerous "Counter-Guerrilla" groups. After Doomsday, the Red and White Berets were consolidated under the direct control of the Grand Vizier who can deploy them freely. Since the inception of the Turkish Sultanate, the Red Berets been on constant deployment in neighboring countries, such as Bulgaria, Kurdistan, Trabzon, and Greece, promoting Turkish interests. However, their activities remain veiled in complete secrecy due to the nature of their organization.

The Army has seen constant action since its inception shortly after Doomsday. In the early years, the TIO was primarily composed of pre-Doomsday Army personnel reorganized into a military. Initially, they focused on border security, refugee management, and expansion. Their largest combat engagements occurred during the Hatayan-Sultanate War. They have also seen minor overseas deployment in Macedonia. 5,000 Army personnel are part of the Maroon Berets, the Turkish Army special forces unit. The Maroon Berets were primarily deployed in exploration duties within Turkey and scouting parties around the Black Sea coast, which began in 2007. They also saw extensive deployment in Macedonia against the rebel Serbian Republic.

The Turkish Western Army Command is based in the city of Salhili. The Turkish Northern Army Command is based in the city of Kastamonu. The Turkish Eastern Army Command is based in the city of Sorgun. The Turkish Southern Army Command is based in the city of Antakya. The Turkish Central Army Command is based in the city of Aksaray.



Turkish Navy Seal

The Turkish Imperial Navy (TID) is the second largest branch of the Turkish Armed Forces. It has 70,000 active personnel, 1000 of which are SAT and SAS Turkish Naval special forces recreated post-Doomsday and 10,000 are Imperial Marines. The Turkish Navy is an entirely volunteer force, due to the technical expertise needed to be a member. Additionally, the Navy has 30,000 reserve personnel plus another 20,000 Marine reservists. All personnel are fully trained and growing in experience thanks to limited deployments to Macedonia, the Black Sea, and the Syrian coast.

It was resurrected in the 1990s once the Sultanate gained control of southern ports to use as their bases. Initially, it primarily deployed small coastal patrol boats and surviving ships from the pre-Doomsday Turkish Navy and those captured or rescued from allied or Soviet navies. Thankfully, much of the pre-Doomsday Turkish Mediterranean Fleet survived, which was recovered by 1990. The Turkish Black Sea fleet also largely survived and was safeguarded by the Interim Governmental Authority in Samsun and turned over to the TID in 2002. Unfortunately, the Turkish Aegean and Straits fleets were almost completely destroyed with few survivors reaching the Sultanate. However, beginning in 1998, the Navy began producing new vessels, though small in size in the beginning, through the increasing funds devoted to it. More recently, a joint naval development program with the Macedonians have begun in order to produce more advance ships in the future. This was due to the increasing significance of the TID in the Turkish Armed Forces due to the encountering of a powerful Greek state, the Federation of Greece. Currently, its primary strategic doctrine is to develop a blue-water navy that can match, and eventually surpass, the rival Greek Navy, an effort that has seen major advances in recent years.

The Turkish Aegean Fleet is based in the city of Aliağa. The Turkish Black Sea Fleet is based out of the city of Samsun. The Turkish Mediterranean Fleet is based in the city of Antalya. The Turkish Straits Fleet is based out of the city of Gemlik.

Air Force

200px-Emblem of TuAF.svg

Turkish Air Force Seal

The Turkish Imperial Air Force (TIHK) is the smallest branch of the Turkish Armed Forces. It has 30,000 active personnel with an additional 10,000 reservists. Initially, the Air Force had very few airplanes. Most of their forces were composed of maintained or salvaged pre-Doomsday Turkish, NATO, and Soviet aircraft. These aircraft were recovered from airfields across Turkey. The TIHK was composed of many fighter and bomber aircraft of many types, though they had minimal ammunition. Beginning in 2001, increased funding and new supplies began flowing into the TIHK. Thanks to the re-industrialization program, the existing Air Force was fully resupplied by 2003. The production of new aircraft began in 2004. With the rapidly increasing industrial production of Turkey, the Air Force is slated to become a much larger, well-equipped force in the near future.

The Turkish Imperial Air Force has seen limited combat since its inception in 1993. It was employed for minor scouting missions over northern Turkey during the early 1990s. During the Hatayan War, Turkish air power was a decisive factor during the Battle of Osmaniye, the last great battle of the war. Also, two fighters and one bomber were deployed to Macedonia, under the command of the Macedonian military, which saw limited use in their Civil War.

The Turkish Northwest Air Wing is based in the city of Kutahya. The Turkish Northeast Air Wing is based in the city of Carsamba. The Turkish Southern Air Wing is based in the city of Osmaniye. The Turkish Southwest Air Wing is based in the city of Denizli.


Turkish Subasi

Turkish Subasi Seal

The Subasi, or Imperial Police, is the direct descendant of the pre-Doomsday Turkish Gendarmerie. It is the Turkish national police, whose primary jurisdiction is in rural areas. It has 100,000 total personnel who are deployed throughout the country. Their primary duty is to enforce laws throughout the countryside and suppress rebellion against the state. They see their primary usage in recently acquired provinces where native populations may still remain rebellious. They are currently heavily deployed in the recently acquired eastern provinces. They have also seen limited deployment to the Kingdom of Macedonia to train their internal police.

The Subasi is headquartered in the capital of Konya with regional command posts set up as necessary.


Largely as a result of the re-industrialization program, the Turkish economy, by 2010, has successfully re-industrialized in all of the pre-2000 areas of the country. The country's industrial and agricultural bases in the territories it controls have recovered from Doomsday and have surpassed it in many ways. Unfortunately, the loss of the Turkish Straits, Thrace, Kurdistan, and the Aegean coastal territories, along with the destruction of Ankara, has resulted in a loss of many major Turkish industrial centers and some resources. The industrialization is primarily located in the southern provinces, especially those along the Mediterranean Sea, in the north in the former provinces of the Interim Governmental Authority, and in the coastal cities of Turkish Syria. In the central-north, the continuing problem of a lack of sufficient population continues to plague the area and prevent rapid growth. However, many refugees who originally fled from the north are beginning to return to the area, with great encouragement from the Turkish government. After the full rehabilitation of the highway and rail systems in the late-2000s, growth in the region has accelerated and it has been fully integrated into the national economy.

Starting in 2008, the Turkish government began to withdraw from day-to-day economic operations as it once again allowed private sector growth. As a result, economic growth has dramatically increased. The Turkish economy has focused on heavy industry, raw materials, steel, automobiles, shipbuilding, and electronics. This has been due to the government's focus on military development and recent nationalistic and expansionist trends from the ruling New Türkiye Party. The nation's agriculture has also become export-driven with the surplus being exported primarily to Macedonia, Lebanon, Syria, and Israel. Political decisions have prevented large-scale trade with the neighboring Federation of Greece. The continued success of the Turkish economic growth led to the declaration of Full Development by the Turkish government on November 6, 2012. All provinces in Turkey had achieved the base level of regional development, infrastructure stability, and economic diversity set by the Turkish government.


Due to its greater emergency on the regional stage, Turkey has been attempting to increase its trade with neighboring nations. Major trading expeditions have been sent out to Macedonia, Israel, Lebanon, Egypt, Sicily, Pas del Oro, Corsica, the Alpine Confederation, and beyond. However, political decisions have prevented large-scale trade with the neighboring Federation of Greece. So far, all of these expeditions have been successful in establishing trade between the involved nations. Thanks to this increased trade, Turkey is once again connected to global trade and communication networks.

The heavy development of the Turko-Syrian coast has transformed the region in a center of regional trade, somewhat harking back to its historical roots. Multiple oil and gas pipelines from Al Jazeera and the Republic of Iraq terminate in the region. These pipelines also extend northward into central Turkey. In addition, the coastal cities are also the end destination for most regional activity in Syria.


Developed Areas


To meet its energy needs, Turkey is developing hydroelectric power in the eastern portions of the country, primarily on the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers. While this has led to tension with nations downstream of the hyrdoelectric dams, primarily Kurdistan, Turkey can now supply itself with much of its power, when combined with its petroleum reserves and minor developments of wind and solar power. Additionally, Turkey has made forays into nuclear reactor development, but the lack of uranium has kept such plans to the drawing board for the foreseeable future. However, this energy independence has only been achieved thanks to the lower post-Doomsday population and energy consumption of Turkey. To help meet its growing energy needs, Turkey has begun importing petroleum from the Gulf States Union, Al Jazeera, and the Republic of Iraq. However, new Turkish petroleum and natural gas explorations in the Gulf of Iskendrum, southeast Turkey, and in the Black Sea have discovered new reserves which hope to be tapped by 2020, and could help offset the Turkey's increasing energy demand. Some ambitious companies also plan to begin establishing geothermal power stations across Turkey, which they believe could provide all of Turkey's energy needs. This plan is beginning to gain attraction is upper political circles and could see state funding as early as 2015.


Due to its relative isolation early on, Turkey has become self-sufficient agriculturally. Recovery efforts in southern and central Turkey have resulted in a dramatic increase in Turkish agricultural production. The agricultural sector also produces a variety of luxury items which are consumed throughout Turkey and are increasingly exported abroad. In addition, Turkey is one of the world's largest producers of legal opium, and other drug-related plants, which is critical for the world's pharmaceutical industry.


Due in large part to the Turkish Re-industrialization Program, Turkish industry has seen a dramatic recovery post-Doomsday. Initially, industrial development was led by the textile and small arms industries. However, the industrial sector has diversified with the development of burgeoning automotive, electronic and construction industries. Other heavy industries have also seen significant development with military funding and foreign investment. Turkish growth continues to be led by industrial development and fueld by investment from South America and the Gulf States.


Due to the massive devastation of Doomsday and its aftermath, the Turkish construction industry experienced a massive boom. Many cities needed to be rebuilt and hundreds of refugee camps had to be constructed. As a result, construction has become one of the largest sectors and a mainstay of the Turkish economy.


Beginning in 2000, the Turkish entertainment industry experienced an unprecedented level of growth. Due to the increase in individual incomes, Turkish citizens had enough money to enjoy music and film. New, Doomsday-inspired music and film began to flood the Turkish populace. A select few films were even played overseas. The growth in the Turkish entertainment industry has strengthened the overall economy and allowed the population a reprieve from the previous pain of Doomsday.

Natural Resources

Before Doomsday, Turkey ranks tenth in the world in terms of the diversity of minerals produced in the country. Around 60 different minerals are currently produced in Turkey. The richest mineral deposits in the country are boron salts and Turkey’s reserves amount to 72% of the world’s total. Other natural resources include coal, iron ore, copper, chromium, uranium, antimony, mercury, gold, barite, borate, celestine (strontium), emery, feldspar, limestone, magnesite, marble, perlite, pumice, pyrites (sulfur), clay, arable land, hydropower, and geothermal power.


Turkey is a secular state with no official state religion; the Turkish Constitution provides for freedom of religion and conscience. Pre-Doomsdsay, about 99 percent of the population is registered as Muslim, there are less than 100,000 people following religions other than Islam, mainly Christians, mostly Armenian Apostolic, Assyrian Church of the East and Greek Orthodox (64,000 people) and Jews, mainly Sephardi (26,000 people). However, many of these minorities lived in large urban areas that were destroyed during Doomsday, and as a result Turkey lacks many religious minorities. The majority of the Muslims are Sunni (85–90%) and a large minority are Alevi (10–15%), numbering from 7–11 million. Alevi community is sometimes classified within Twelver Shia Islam. There are also some Sufi practitioners. The highest Islamic religious authority is the Presidency of Religious Affairs (Turkish: Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı), it interprets the Hanafi school of law, and is responsible for regulating the operation of the country's 80,000 registered mosques and employing local and provincial imams.

Turkey is a largely Muslim country. Before Doomsday, secularism flowed deep within Turkey as one of the primary principles laid down by Kemal Ataturk in the 1920s. However, after the chaos of Doomsday, Turkey experienced a religious revival in many areas across the country. Popularly known as the Doomsday Revival, the Islamic fervor began in Konya and, as the Sultanate expanded, spread to other areas of the country. While the increase in religiosity only affected a minority of the population, the general population is trending towards Islamic fundamentalism. The government, however, has made steps to limit the spread of this Islamic revival because it has resulted in a weakening of secularism and a strengthening in Islamic fundamentalism. Politically, this has resulted in a slow, but steady, increase in support for the Party of Virtue, which quietly advocates the establishment of an Islamic state.

The highest Islamic religious authority in Turkey is the Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı, an state institution carried on from pre-Doomsday Turkey. It's continued existence was a requirement made by the Turkish military during the early years of the Sultanate in order to maintain Turkey's secular state. It is a fairly liberal Islamic authority that follows the Hanafi school of Sunni Islam. It allows the training of women as preachers, allows in-vitro fertilization, and birth-control pills, unlike many other religious authorities. However, the Doomsday Revival currently sweeping Turkey has resulted in the moderation of some of the Diyanet's more liberal views. The Diyanet is headquartered in the capital, Konya, and the current President of the Diyanet is Ali Bardakoğlu.

The Hanafi school of Sunni Islam is the dominate religious sect in Turkey. Among the four established Sunni schools of legal thought in Islam, the Hanafi school is the oldest. It has a reputation for putting greater emphasis on the role of reason and being more liberal than the other three schools. The Hanafi school also has the most followers among the four major Sunni schools.

The other minority religions in Turkey were largely concentrated in major urban areas, such as Istanbul. Due to the destruction of these areas during Doomsday, much of the non-Muslim population has been wiped out. However, a few scattered pockets of Orthodox Christians and Jews survive across Turkey. The leader of Turkey's Jewish community, the Hahambasi, currently resides in Antayla. The Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople and the Armenian Patriachs continue to, in theory, lead the Greek and Armenian Christian communities in Turkey. However, due to strained relations with those countries, the dramatic losses experience by the Christian communities, and the death of their Patriarches, most Christian enclaves act autonomously.

International Relations

Ever since emerging on the international stage, the Sultanate of Turkey has maintained few relations with the rest of the world. Currently, they have ambassadors in Lebanon, the Federation of Greece, Macedonia, Rhodope, Israel, Egypt, Sicily, Macedonia, Bulgaria, and Jordan, along with several other countries beyond the Meditterranean. Since 2000, they have begun dispatching ambassadors to all corners of the globe in an effort to rapidly reconnect with the rest of the world. They have relations with much of Europe, South America, Southeast Asia, and the Middle East. There has also been minimal diplomatic contact between Turkey, the South American Confederation and Commonwealth of Australia and New Zealand, however, Turkey has largely declined their diplomatic advances to avoid a repeat of the Cold War and continue to pursue their goal of becoming a major power themselves. However, in a quest to further integrate Turkey in the world politics, the Sultanate of Turkey submitted its application to join the League of Nations in 2009.

Eastern Turkish Wasteland

In 2000, the Sultanate of Turkey gained a border with the Eastern Turkish Wasteland. Beginning in 2005, the Sultanate began expanding and establishing relations with Doomsday states. Through Sultanate-ignited warfare, by 2010, only three Wasteland states remained: Second Empire of Trabzon, Republic of Greater Patnos, and New Erzurum. Patnos and New Erzurum have become strong allies of the Sultanate, while Trabzon remains one of the Sultanate's most fearsome enemies. A careful balance of power exists in the Wasteland between Turkey, Patnos, and New Erzurum versus Trabzon, Georgia, and Armenia. This balance has, so far, prevented any further open warfare to breakout in the region.


The first contact with a Greek survivor state was in 1988, when the Sultanate discovered the Dodecanese Republic who had began establishing secure colonies on the Turkish mainland. Through them, they learned of the existence of other states in the area. Later, in 1995, the Sultanate of Turkey encountered the Greece territory of Thrace, which was a member of the Confederation of Greece, later the Greek Federation. Greece, pre-Doomsday, was a traditional enemy of Turkey and, at that time, Turkey was the more powerful nation. However, after the chaos of Doomsday, Turkey was plunged into civil war for many years, while Greece was merely fractured into a myriad of smaller states. That collection of states were able to unite and establish a powerful state that stretched across the eastern Mediterranean, that included portions of eastern Turkey. The envious Turkish people continued their feud with Greece and strove to reconquer their lost territories. This has resulted in a second cold war between the two nations.

In 1992, Turkey established contact the Kingdom of Macedonia. In 1995, the Sultanate of Turkey established a formal alliance with the Kingdom of Macedonia. Due to their internal ethnic strife and tension with neighboring Greece, Turkey began sending military advisers to improve the Macedonian military in 1996. In 1998, Turkey committed its military forces to the Macedonian Civil War and brought relations between the two nations to a new height, which has been maintained until present day. Turkey views Macedonia as a rising power and its primary partner in the Balkans.

Eastern Mediterranean

In 1995, Turkey was introduced to the Bulgarian successor state of Rhodope through Greece. No major formal relations have been established. A source of tension between two nations is the radical Rhodopan political party, the Turkish League, which is composed primarily of the significant Turkish minority in Rhodope. The Rhodopan government believes the Turkish League of funded by Turkey as a tool within the Rhodopan political system. This is a charge which the Turkish government vigorously denies.

In 2002, contact was established with the other states of former Yugoslavia. In the aftermath of Doomsday, the central Yugoslav government crumbled and civil war erupted throughout the country. Slovenia, Croatia, and Bosnia (with reduced territory) achieved independence, while the remnants of Yugoslavia became the Federation of Serbia and Montenegro. It was also during this time that Macedonia achieved its independence. After the collapse of Yugoslavia and the subsequent wars, fierce tensions broke out between the newly independent states. Serbia and Macedonia, due to Macedonian control of part of southern Serbia, have developed an extremely tense relationship, which has largely determined Turkish relations in the region. As a result of the threat Serbia poses to Macedonia, and therefore to the basis of Turkish influence in the region, Turkey has reached out and developed economic relations with Croatia and Slovenia. Bosnia became an ally of Turkey in 2008 and rich cultural exchanges have taken place between the two countries. In 2007, a temporary Turkish military base was established in Sarajevo. A permanent base on the outskirts of the city was completed in January 2011.

Middle East

In 2000, the Sultanate of Turkey first established contact with the Republic of Kurdistan. Due to their long ethnic conflicts and control of Turkish land, tensions between the two nations arose immediately after contact. As a result, very little trade has flowed between the two nations and only minimal relations have been established.

Shortly after contact was established with Kurdistan, Turkey established relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran. Though Iran was an ally of Kurdistan, Turkey was initially receptive to Iran diplomatic relations, which has resulted in some cooperation on issues of dual interest. However, it is predicted by many that Turkey and Iran will come to blows in the future over their somewhat conflicting interests in the Caucasus, Kurdistan, and Iraq.

After the conquest of Hatay, formal contact was established with Al Jazeera, the remnants of the pre-Doomsday government of Syria.

In the summer of 2002, the Sultanate of Turkey signed a formal alliance with Lebanon. Both countries hope that it will lead to greater opportunities for both parties. Since the signing of the alliance, the trade between the two nations has greatly increased.

Contact with Israel was established in early 2003. Shortly after, formal relations and recognition was established between the two countries. Due to their strong pre-Doomsday relations, both countries immediately began expanding diplomatic and economic ties. The possibility of a renewed alliance has also surfaced in many diplomatic circles.

When contact was established with Israel, it was also established with Jordan, which had become a close ally of Israel post-Doomsday. Diplomatic relations have remained productive and cordial. Trade is also beginning to increase between the two countries.


Turkey established formal diplomatic contact with Georgia and Armenia in 2005. Relations were, at first, low-key and relatively stable. However, once it was discovered that Georgia and Armenia were arming Wasteland states to oppose the Sultanate, relations immediately declined. They continue to assist their ally, the Second Empire of Trabzon, and their respective militaries have been arming for a possible conflict with Turkey in the future.

In 2008, Turkey reached out to its traditional ally Azerbaijan, with whom they shared historic ethnic connections. Turkey sought to find a strong partner in the Balkans, and Azerbaijan was all too willing to join with Turkey to further isolate their rival, Armenia. Recently, Azeribaijani-Turkish cooperation has focused on economic developments. There have been discussions of a pipeline from Azerbaijani, through Georgia, and ending in Turkey in order to allow Azerbaijan wider access to global oil and gas markets. However, the project has largely stalled due to opposition from Trabzon and Armenia and the transportation difficulty in the immediate region.

Western Mediterranean

Turkey has had minor, trade relations with many of the nations of the Eastern Mediterranean such as Republic of Spain and Portugal. However, no major diplomatic arrangements have been made in the area. The only nation Turkey has had major interaction is Sicily, who has been branded a pariah by the rest of Europe. However, Turkey sees Sicily as a possible strategic partner and ally against their hated rival, Greece. Diplomatic advances towards Sicily began in 2007 and accelerated in 2011 after the internal Sicilian purges began to shift the nation away from its pariah status.

Transnational Issues

The Sultanate of Turkey has a series of complex territorial, maritime, and air control disputes with the Federation of Greece. Turkey continues to claim the pre-Doomsday Turkish territories of Thrace and the Turkish Straits, Mugla Province, and the Kardak Islands. The Sultanate of Turkey also maintains an extended territorial claim on northern Cyprus, which was under Turkish control until the Turkish Cyprus Force withdrew in 1985, though this is a more distant issue. Also, as maritime and air activity has increased in the Aegean since Doomsday, Turkey and Greece have come into conflict over the delineation of their areas of control.

Turkey also has long-standing territorial conflicts with the Second Empire of Trabzon and Kurdistan, neither of which is officially recognized by Turkey. Turkey claims all of Trabzon and northern Kurdistan as sovereign territories of Turkey. As a result, relations between Turkey and these nations have become predictably sour. However, these issues have been pushed to a secondary position by many in the Turkish government as they focus on the Aegean and Turkish straits.

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