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| This 1983: Doomsday page is a Proposal.
The Isiran Civil War, also known as the Second Congo Crisis, the Great Lakes Bush War, and the Pan-Africa War is an ongoing conflict currently happening in Eastern Africa, in the Empire of Isiro, to be more precise. It began due to the growth of ideals concerning democracy within Isiro and accross Eastern Africa, but would eventually shift into a proxy war between members of the East African Bureau of Commerce (EABC), and the East African Community (EAC).
Isiro's legitimist government js a deeply oppressive dictatorship, governed as personal property by the Mbia family of Isiro. The Emperor of Isiro, although officially established a legislature, has absolute say on everything. The people appointed to the Isiran council of nobles, the council which votes on laws according to Isiro (there was no election of representatives for the people) were usually close to the Mbias, and rarely did either the military or the legislature oppose any decisions the monarchy wished. The Emperor, furthermore, had established a mongrel faith, a political religion based on Catholicism. This religion, called Isironism, called for the Mbias being a bloodline graced by God, giving them absolute power to rule over Isiro.
However, some people in Isiro opposed the absolute rule of the Mbias in the nation. A terrorist group, which called itself Démocratie pour Isiro (DPI, literally Democracy for Isiro) was established in 2002. The group, although officially very small (it only has 18 official members in 2010) had relatively widespread support, and was able to infiltrate the Isiran government with great success. Démocratie pour Isiro was involved in a nummber ranging between eight an eleven terrorist attacks between 2002 and 2010. The group began to pick up pace in 2010, as the DPI shot Serge Mbia, Emperor Julien's eldest son, in the leg. The injury was non-fatal, but it led to the destruction of most of the 18 original members. However, this did not stop the group, as in Christmas Eve of 2011, a DPI-affiliated general fatally shot the so-called Emperor of Congo, Julien Mbia.
Serge Mbia succeeded the Isiran throne after his father's death, although DPI became inactive for some time in 2012, between Julien Mbia's death and the attack of the Dungu colonial offices in April. After this attack, however, Serge Mbia hinted at possible democratisation. These attempts, however, were never fullfilled, and Isiro remained an absolute monarchy.
The traditional kingdoms of Uganda had long fought between each other for prestige, land, or economic gain. However, these isolated battles had not amounted to much in pre-Colonial times, and were forcefully stopped during British colonisation, as well as during the repressive regimes of Idi Amin and Milton Obote, which did not allow the traditional kingdoms to continue existing.
The traditional kingdoms' people banded together to restore their traditional independent monarchies and expulse the leftist governments that had fought over and caused so much desolation to Uganda ever since the 1960s. The Ganda people were the first to declare the restoration of their kingdom, as the Ugandan Bush War drew to a close and Yoweri Museveni, the head of the rebels, was confined to the southwest of Uganda in December of 1983. Busoga did so in January of 1984, and Toro and Bunyoro did so in October. The last kingdom to declare independence, Ankole, finally shook of Museveni's armies in 1985, limiting the rebels to a few small provinces in the southwest, and the Obote government occupying all of Uganda north of lake Kyoga. The two republican nations finally recognised the traditional kingdoms in 1989.
However, soon enough, the union of traditional kingdoms broke apart, as influence between the two nations of Buganda and Busoga divided the Ugandan nations between two big fields. Ankole went ever closer to the Busogan sphere of influence as Busoga became increasingly more aggressive in its foreign policy. Toro-Rwenzururu allied with Buganda, as it felt increasingly threatened by Nkole forces. Bunyoro-Kitara stayed neutral (partly because it felt more prestigious than the other alliances in Uganda, partly because they wanted to be balanced) at first, but eventually they drifted into the Baganda influence, as Nyoro economics became increasingly more dependant on Baganda ones. By 1993, the two sides were at the brink of war.
War came over the region of Kayunga, a border region claimed by Busoga and administered by Buganda, in 1993. The Kayunga War was the first major war on East Africa, and spread the two alliances' influence out of Uganda. Busoga and Ankole joined the East African Community in 2003, and Buganda's East African Bureau of Economics, founded in 1997, began to increasingly influence the Congolese nation of Kivu.
Eventually the sides were set, and, as of 2014, the EAC indirectly supports the Isiran legitimist government, while the EABC supports the insurgents, mostly through Kivu.
The Rest of the Congo
Katanga became one of the most important states of Africa after the collapse of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. With 16 times the size of Belgium and a population of approximately four and a half million, Katanga dominates over the area of the Congo by sheer population alone. The nation also holds large reserves of minerals, including diamonds, cobalt, gold and coltan. This allows it to be a very influential nation in international relationships.
The Republic of Katanga is amongst the foremost causes for the collapse of Zaire post-Doomsday, given that independence of the nation shattered the damaged remnant of national unity that existed in the nation. Katanga remains a constitutional republic, and firmly commited to the protection of rights. Therefore, Katanga holds close relationships with Kivu, which, although a dictatorship, has a relatively good track of civil rights, especially in comparison with the extremist Isiro.
Despite reasons for mistrust between the two nations, relatively amicable relationships exist between Katanga and the Self-Defence Council of Brazzaville and Kinsahasa, due to the larger common threat of other oppressive dictatorships, such as the Republic of Kongo in former Angola, and warlordism that threatens both nations. While Zaire is a small nation, it is relatively important in global politics, as it controls the large cities of Brazzaville and Kinsahasa. Small conflicts have also risen with other nations in the area.
The Botswanans today remain as one of the more powerful nations in the region. Having survived Doomsday fairly well and having grown economically and demographically - the nation did well. Yet it soon found out that as its population grew, it needed to secure resources for itself - namely in the form of taking control of land to get better water supplies as well as more farmlands. Therefore, the nation began its campaign to take out the Southern-Angolan Communist Kingdoms in early-2011. Although they made some early gains, the Kingdoms soon managed to stabilise their lines and fight back. The Botswanans were completely unprepared for jungle fighting - taking them more than six months for them to get used to it. However, once they began to get accustomed to the terrain - a year in - they soon managed to retake the initiative and managed to overrun the southern half of the Kingdoms.
By mid-2013, Botswana had not only taken control of new lands - they also had a link to the sea. However, they soon began to feel threatened as other powers grew and began to look upon their acquisitions with a suspicious eye.
Start of the War
The Isiran Civil War is generally considered to have started in February 25th of 2013, as Emperor Serge Mbia was assassinated by the militant group Démocratie pour Isiro when coming into his palace. An explosive was detonated in front of his vehicle as Emperor Mbia left his palace for the city of Isiro; this detonation left Mbia untouched, but killed three of his guards. As the Emperor and the rest of his guards tried to flee back to the palace, a sniper left them trapped next to their palace, and six armed guards attacked Mbia's entourage. In the firefight, four of the six attackers were killed, as well as seven guards. The Emperor himself ended up heavily injured. A final detonation by a fifth attacker killed the five remaining guards. The sixth attacker was captured, but the DPI sniper escaped the scene. Mr.Mbia was rescued by the servants on his palace, but uwas pronounced dead on arrival to the hospital. Serge Mbia's brother, Fiston, was declared Emperor-Elect the very next morning.
The day after the Isiro Firefight, general uprisings began to occur in Dungu. Dungu had been the capital of a rival government previous to 2003, and had been brutally annexed through an almost mythologised surprise attack on the city (as an example, even though most people agree upon machine guns having been placed upon pick-up trucks lacking fuel, the Isiran government claims that these pick-up trucks were actually God-given elephants) that worked because of Dungan distraction because of an incipient coup and technological advantage by Isiro. Even after the annexation, Dungu remained as a centre of anti-Isiran feeling and open revolt towards the government.
Open, algid armed revolt began in Dungu the day after the Isiro firefight. These revolts began with the DPI-led murder of the Governor of Isiro. Shortly afterwards, an unknown number between 5% (The official estimate) and 75% (The WCRB estimate) of Dungan troops defected in favour of the DPI movement. The successor to the Governor of Isiro was stuck in a small corner of the city, that was still controlled by the few legitimist troops that remained in the city.
When the situation was known on Isiro, Emperor-Elect Fiston Mbia declared a state of emergency. He arranged for a 14,000-men army, led by Colonel Trevor Kabila (unrelated to the Kabilas of Kivu) to be set up in the outsides of the city.
The situation on Isiro once again made the WCRB's headlines on the Ninteenth of February, when Isiran troops were ordered to storm the city of Dungu. 4,000 Isiran troops came into the city, taking the lightly-armed Dungan troops by surprise and freeing the Governor, who was stuck in his palace in the south of the city, under siege by the Dungan rebels. However, their advance to retake Isiro slowed down after this part of the conflict, with the Dungan rebels calling up their troops and fighting the Isiran soldiers back. It is in this battle that the leader of Démocratie pour Isiro and the Dungu revolt was discovered; his name is Japhet Gizenga, a 25-year old soldier, a loyalist to the 2003 Dungan Authority that continued to fight against Isiro once the city was occupied.
After a months fighting, however, it became clear that the DPI was not widely supported outside of Dungu. Due to past attacks on civilians and soldiers alike, they had become viewed as dangerous extremists, and though many wished for democracy, they did not at the same time want to risk either a long civil war or rule by the DPI. Thus, by late March, the riots in other cities had been quelled, and the initial expeditionary force into Dungu was now reinforced by another 20,000 soldiers- mostly conscripts. Low on food and arms, it appeared that the rebels would be crushed...
Kivan Entrance and Expansion of the War
Joseph Kabila of Kivu saw the expansion of the war with increasing concern. While he desired peace throughout Congo, he did not wish for the Empire of Isiro, a stragetic rival and hostile due to its grandiloquent claims to the entirety of Congo, to crush the rebels.
Strategically, a pro-Kivu rebel victory would bring wonders to Kivu's position; it would give the nation a strong ally to the unclaimed north, which might allow Kivu to recover its lost claimed territories far more quickly than it would by itself and surrounded by enemies. Economically, a friendly Isiro would not only open land trade routes northwards, but also give Kivuan trade the possibility to enter (with the EABC) into northeast Congo's wealth and power. This would allow Kivu to expand its monetary influence far beyond its current borders. Politically, Kivu overthrowing an openly undemocratic empire might reinforce Kivu's democratic façade, which had been falling appart for quite a while now.
June 10, 2013 saw a meeting between several members of the Kivuan government across the nation in the capital. The main theme of this topic was to discuss the war on Isiro, and the storming of Dungu, which had caused the defeat of parts of the rebel armies. The ruling elite of Kivu stayed in closed council for three days, until Joseph Kabila was determined; he would send aid to the Isiran rebels in Dungu and across the nation, allowing for not only increased prestige and legitimacy to the Kivuan government, but also to divert wealth from the Mbias' coffers to that of the Kabilas, and strengthen Kivu as one of the most important actors in the former Congo stage. The sending of help would also allow some pretence of order to be created in the parts of North Kivu that were in the way to Isiro, and claimed by the Kabila government.
A small corps of "volunteers" with large amounts of food aid, medical equipment and concealed arms and ammunition were sent north to fight the Isirans. This was the first step in the expansion of the Isiran Civil War, which would lead to the full-scale intervention of Kivu first and then much of the EABC.
This was a move supported vaguely throughout the EABC- but the EAC, now fearful of a more powerful EABC that could overwhelm them, began to mobilize, leading to a standoff between units of the Busogan and Bugandan militaries. Just as tensions were being lowered, a tense soldier- it's unknown who- opened fire on the Busogan troops. The Busogans fired back, and the Bugandans swiftly retreated, declaring war a day later. The EAC responded by also declaring war on the nations of the EABC.
Feddy and Guns.
Imp and Guns.