History of the Sultanate of Turkey (1983: Doomsday)

This is the history of the Sultanate of Turkey.

Pre-Doomsday

Turkey (Turkish: Türkiye), known officially as the Republic of Turkey ([1] Türkiye Cumhuriyeti (help·info)), is a Eurasian country that stretches across the Anatolian peninsula in Western Asia and Thrace in the Balkan region of southeastern Europe. Turkey is bordered by eight countries: Bulgaria to the northwest; Greece to the west; Georgia to the northeast; Armenia, Azerbaijan (the exclave of Nakhchivan) and Iran to the east; and Iraq and Syria to the southeast. The Mediterranean Sea and Cyprus are to the south; the Aegean Sea to the west; and the Black Sea is to the north.

Separating Anatolia and Thrace are the Sea of Marmara and the Turkish Straits (the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles), which are commonly reckoned to delineate the boundary between Europe and Asia, thereby making Turkey a country of significant geo-strategic importance. Ethnic Turks form the majority of the population, followed by the Kurds. The predominant religion in

The Republic of Turkey

Turkey is Islam and its official language is Turkish.

Ottoman Empire

The Turks began migrating into the area now called Turkey in the eleventh century. The process was greatly accelerated by the Seljuk victory over the Byzantine Empire at the Battle of Manzikert. Several small emirates and the Seljuk Sultanate of Rum ruled Anatolia, until the Mongol Empire's invasion. Starting in the thirteenth century, the Ottomans emirate united Anatolia and created an empire encompassing much of Southeastern Europe, Western Asia and North Africa. After the Ottoman Empire collapsed following its defeat in World War I, parts of it were occupied by the victorious Allies. A cadre of young military officers, led by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, organized a successful resistance to the Allies; in 1923, they would found the modern republic of Turkey with Atatürk as its first president.

Pre-Doomsday Turkey was a democratic, secular, unitary, constitutional republic, with an ancient and historical cultural heritage. As a member of NATO, Turkey was involved in the Cold War. Due to their closeness to the USSR, they hosted a major NATO military apparatus, including nuclear missiles, until they were removed after the Cuban Missile Crisis. Turkish control of the Turkish Straits also kept the Soviets envious and greatly restricted their access to the Mediterrean Sea, especially during wartime.

Turkey has also had a long running rivalry with Greece, another NATO country. This rivalry stemmed from the Turkish control of Greece for several centuries under the Ottoman Empire. Later, Greece fought Turkey in several wars, including the Balkan Wars, World War I, and the Greco-Turkish War of 1922. While overtures for peace were made, tensions remained high. The main source of tensions was the island of Cyprus, which almost brought Greece and Turkey to war several times. In 1974, Turkey invaded the island of Cyprus after a Greek military coup took control of the island. This lead to the collapse of the Greek ruling junta at the time. Turkey continued to occupy the northern portions of the island and nine years later, in 1983, the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. The situation remained the same up until Doomsday.

In southwestern Turkey, the long oppressed Kurdish minority was also creating problems for Turkey. In 1984, the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) began an armed insurgency to gain independence for the Kurds of Turkey. This began when the PKK announced a Kurdish uprising. The death toll soon began to climb and this conflict would be forever altered by Doomsday.

From Wikipedia

Doomsday

As for the rest of the world, Doomsday came suddenly for Turkey and enacted a detestation toll. Due to their membership in NATO, Turkey was a target of the Soviet nuclear barrage. The capital, Ankara, and their largest city and cultural heart of Turkey, Istanbul, were both destroyed by nuclear blasts. In addition, the cities of Edirne, Erzurum, Izmir, Bursa, Adana, and Alanya were also destroyed. These areas were all major military bases or command posts in Turkey. The infernos quickly subsumed the surrounding area. This destroyed much of the Turkish government and military leadership, which plunged the country into chaos. With the destruction of Istanbul, the Turkish Straits were rendered unpassable due to the intense radiation. Weather patterns pushed the radiation cloud mostly to the north and east of the country, which was devastated by the fallout. However, this left the south and west of the country still struggling and suffering from the radiation, but to a much lesser degree than other areas of the country.

Nuclear Strikes on Turkey

The Soviets also attempted to destroy several other cities, including Bodrum, Kusadasi, Pamukkale, Antalya, Marmaris, Kırıkkale and Konya. However, early warning was received from NATO radar sites in the northern regions of the country. With only a few minutes, or less, advance warning, all NATO air forces in the country were scrambled. Several waves of bombers also set off north to attack the Soviet Union. Fighter aircraft were able to intercept many of the missiles, saving many thousands of lives. One or two warheads failed to detonate and crashed into the ground causing minimal local damage. Also, Turkish land forces were mobilized in the east and began clashing with Soviet forces in the Caucasus. However, these battles quickly dispersed due to the high concentration of firepower used in the battles, the collapse of communications, and the fear of impending radiation from the nuclear blasts. With most of the military mobilized before the missiles struck, much of the Turkish air force was preserved, but much of the army and navy was destroyed at their bases. Because of this, the military soon began to fracture and collapse as their communications and command centers were destroyed. As a result, the entire country was thrown into chaos. Overall, the nuclear strikes cost the lives of an estimated 15 million Turks. In the ensuing months and years, an additional five million Turks would die during the post-Doomsday chaos. Across much of the country, the social order quickly collapsed and many Turks doubted the survival of their nation.

Post-Doomsday

The Aftermath

After the destruction of Ankara, the Turkish government largely collapsed. Much of the country was plunged into chaos. Communications within were down and the radiation was beginning to spread from the impact sites. All contact with the outside world was lost. As in their previous coups, the Turkish military, lead by what was left of their leadership, quickly attempted to secure as much of the country as possible. Immediately, the highest ranking military officer that survived Doomsday, a three-star general in Konya, issued the now infamous Toplama Order, Within three months, the surviving members of the Turkish military leadership were able to make their way to the city of Konya, in southern Turkey. In cooperation with the civilian leadership of the city of Konya, the Turkish military attempted to recall as much of their forces as they could. On every radio spectrum, the surviving military leaders issued the emergency recall order, known as the Toplama Order, a pre-Doomsday directive to retreat to a single area in the case of all-out nuclear war. All surviving Turkish military units were ordered to proceed to Konya, or failing that, remain in position and secure as much of the surrounding area as possible. It also ordered all Gendarme units to assist in the securing of territory and the administration of surviving communities. The hope was that the central government, once reformed, would be able to quickly re-secure control of most of the country. However, due to the chaos of the situation, much of the military was either missing or fleeing, so very few military units were able to be gathered. In addition, the Soviet invasion of the eastern provinces forced most Turkish units stationed in the area to remain there and drive back the Soviets. Communication with the eastern provinces was sporatic and eventually collapsed all together. Many units fleeing from the north in the face of the radiation cloud heard this calling and came to Konya. Other forces scattered through out southern Turkey responded the recall order by securing their immediate area and coordinating with the surviving leadership in Konya. However, very few units responded in this way. Many either did not receive the order or ignored it in the face of their immediate problems, especially in the east and southeast.

As many of the scattered military slowly came to Konya, the military attempted to establish a government to establish order. Many in the military leadership believed they would be able to quickly and easily secure their control of Konya and the surviving province. However, Konya was, and remains today, a deeply religious city. Known as "the citadel of Islam" before Doomsday, many citizens of Konya believed Doomsday was a judgment of Allah and they must now correct their lives to be accepted by him once more. This increase in religious fervor made efforts to control the populace nearly impossible. Due to the chaotic state of Turkey at the time, the military leadership did not have the resources, manpower, or time to fight for control of the city. Therefore, to save what was left of the country, the military leadership succumbed to civilian rule on the single condition that the newly formed government remain religiously tolerant and keep the military in the upper levels of leadership. The existing civilian government and Islamic leaders agreed to this condition and set about to form a new government.

Rebirth of the Sultanate

An uneasy coalition quickly formed to lead the new country. A decision was made to write a new constitution was written to lead the nation through this new Post-Doomsday era. After a significant, yet short, debate, the religious and civilian leadership overruled the military and decided to make the new government a sultanate. They viewed installing a strong leader, the sultan, as the only way to guide the nation through this crisis. However, there would be major restrictions on his power made by the new Imperial Council, composed of the military chiefs of staff, the prime minister, and several ministers of state, similarly to the old National Security Council. There would also be a very weak elected unicameral legislature, known as the Imperial Assembly, that would merely meet to discuss and debate problems and ideas from the people. They would have minor powers and would only be able to pass insignificant laws and submit proposals to the Imperial Council and Sultan. In addition, the Sultan would be reign for life, but could be replaced by a three-fourths vote of the Imperial Council and Imperial Assembly. Despite these major advances in the re-establishment of government, true democratic government would not surface until 1990 because of the immediate survival needs of the nation.

The debate to choose the first Sultan was short, yet vicious. Many contenders rose to attempt to claim the title. Military, religious, and civilian leaders all vied for the title. It soon became apparent that there could be no one from any of those groups chosen to take up the mantle of Sultan. Luckily, it was recently learned that a descendant of the House of Osman, which was the dynasty that ruled the Ottoman Empire, had managed to survive Doomsday and make his way to Turkey with his family. Ertuğrul Osman was on vacation on a cruise ship in the eastern Mediterranean with his family at the time of the Doomsday attack. Once the ship suddenly lost communication with much of the outside world, they docked at Antalya, Turkey. During the initial chaotic years of Doomsday, his father, Mehmed Orhan, had died leaving him as the official head of the House of Osman. He was fluent in Turkish, English, German, and French. He was also very intelligent and had always kept up-to-date with global, and especially Turkish, politics. Because of this, he was able to become a leader in local politics in Antalya, though he refused to assert his Imperial ancestry or even reference it. This kept him off the radar and unknown to most of the leaders discussing the new constitution. Once he was discovered though, certain leaders from all sides immediately sought him out in an attempt to end the row between the various groups, so the new government could be formed. Military leaders disagreed with the idea of a hereditary ruler, but greatly preferred that to a Islamic republic and believed the Sultan could be easily deposed later on. Civilian and religious leaders desired an Islamic republic, but were willing to go along with a rebirth of the Ottoman state believing it would also later result in the recreation of the Ottoman Caliphate. Though well-aware of his current role in these power struggles, he reluctantly accepted the title after he obtained assurances that the new government would retain elements of democracy with human and civil rights. These guarantees would not be implemented until 1990 when the nation was stabilized however. He became known as Sultan Ertuğrul II.

Six months after Doomsday, on March 15, 1984, the new government was officially established and most of the survivors of the Turkish military had reached Konya Province. In addition, many of the basic survival needs of the population had been met. The new government, now known as the Sultanate of Turkey, was forced to impose strict rationing, labor gangs, and massive collective farms on most of the open land to provide for the population. Any violation was met with exile or execution, which punishment was up to the one who had committed the crime. Many of the early ones chose death once they saw the chaos outside the borders of the Sultanate. In addition, the swarms of refugees from the north were turned away after June of 1984 because of a lack of supplies to support them. Walls were built around many of the towns of Konya Province and military force was often used to force the refugees out. However, due to these harsh measures, the Sultanate was able to survive and expand slowly. Within four years of Doomsday, the Sultanate had expanded to control Konya, Isparta, Karaman, Aksaray, Niğde, Burdur, Antalya, Mersin, Kayseri, and Nevsehir provinces. Luckily for the Sultanate, many of these areas had been secured by the local military forces as part of the recall directive. These areas readily joined the Sultanate. Other areas were seized by warlords or were controlled by the local communities. Waves of refugees from the north also settled along the southern coast. Most of the local communities and bands of coastal refugees joined the Sultanate, first as nationally-controlled military districts then as full provinces. The rest of the warlords were weak and had very little time to secure themselves, so they fell quickly. By 1990, most of southern Turkey was under the control of the Sultanate.

Survival

In the early days after Doomsday, survival was the number one priority of the Sultanate. As a result, an oligarchy was established between the civilian, religious, and military elite to lead the new country. The democratic nature of the country, as created in the constitution, was discarded until the immediate crisis could be solved. The state of government resembled that of the socialist government established by Kemal Atatürk in the 1920s. For all practical purposes, the Imperial Council ruled the country for its first six years of existence.

The refugees were the immediate problem facing the new government. Due to the high concentration of nuclear strikes in the north, refugees streamed southward towards the Sultanate. During the early chaotic months, refugees flowed freely into Konya. This stressed the province's resources greatly. Once the new government was formed, they immediately set out to relieve this stress. First, they established deployed the idle military forces to the borders of the province where they were able to control the flow of refugees. They kept allowing refugees in, but only at a rate the new nation could support. Immediately after Doomsday, there were mass famines in Konya as the importation of foodstuffs ceased. The new government immediately reorganized the agricultural sector of the province. All non-essential agricultural production was banned. Instead, farmers focused on the production of products necessary for human survival. To increase overall production, the Sultanate introduced collective farming, which took advantage of every empty plot of land. Also, the urban and suburban population was required to tend to personal family gardens to provide themselves with basic agricultural supplies. Using these methods, agricultural production was stabilized by the summer of 1984 and the mass famines largely ceased.

Also, industrial production greatly declined as a result of Doomsday. Many factories were vandalized or abandoned. The workers often fled to their homes and focused on their own survival. Soon, the lack of industrial products became debilitating to the general population. The Sultanate realized they would need to restart industrial production to make up for this gap. Beginning in late 1984, the government seized and reopened most major factories. Former factory workers were invited back to work the plants, or conscripted in cases with a lack of manpower. Factories that made non-essential items were re-purposed to make necessary items, such as electronic equipment, agricultural machinery, and ammunition. By 1986, industrial production had regenerated to the point that most necessary industrial goods were provided for, but the general population still lacked the level of industrialization they enjoyed pre-Doomsday.

Despite these advances in agriculture and industry, the largest problem facing the Sultanate was the lack of power. As the reserve supplies dwindled after Doomsday, rolling blackouts were implemented. Soon, only crucial activities, such as agricultural production, received fuel for power. To reverse the fuel crisis, the military deploy special search teams that went out, captured, and returned fuel stockpiles to Konya. These search and seizure teams were able to sustain vital activities, but soon the need for fuel grew even greater. Luckily, as the Sultanate expanded, it came to control several oilfields that were built pre-Doomsday. Thankfully, most wells were in good condition because the local inhabitants had guarded them viciously. These wells eventually came to meet all of the Sultanate's energy demands, which were greatly reduced from pre-Doomsday levels.

March to Reunification

Reclaiming Turkey

Sultanate of Turkey (1990)

Seven years after Doomsday, the Sultanate of Turkey has managed to unite most of southern Turkey. Much of the country is still in chaos and the radiation levels in the north of the country are still radioactive, but in recent years the radiation has decreased enough to allow exploration and settlement of the northern provinces. As a result, the Sultanate has sent expeditions north to explore the desolate provinces and they have returned with reports of the nuclear wasteland that is Ankara and desperate communities that are savagely fighting for resources. Also as a result of these expeditions, in 1988, the Sultanate has discovered the Dodecanese Republic, a Greek survivor, which controlled formerly Turkish territory. The Turks were infuriated, despite the great assistance given to Turks in the area by the Greeks, but knew they could do nothing at the moment to reclaim their territory. This reignited Turkish nationalism and redirected many Turkish resources to strengthening their military, which was difficult due to their minimal r-industrialization. Nonetheless, they would not allow Greeks to hold any Turkish territory for longer than they could prevent. While they knew they would not be able to openly deal with them for many years, they prepared and waited. Later on, the Sultanate discovered the Republic of Hatay, based in Iskenderum, in 1989. Hatay, by all appearances, seemed to be a strong, militaristic state that could threaten the Sultanate's expansion. As a result, Sultanate leaders began preparing for a possibly conflict with Hatay and armed their military appropriately.

Nonetheless through Greece, Turkey was able to gain access to the rest of the world. Only then did they realize the true extent of Doomsday. For the next three years (1990-1993), the Sultanate of Turkey sent out military expeditions to re-secure central and northern Turkey. Northern and central Turkey were desolate places in the post-Doomsday world. During Doomsday, the majority of nuclear strikes that occurred in Turkey were in these areas. Instantly, millions of people were killed. After the initial blasts, the radiation was blown eastward across the northern portions of Turkey, which greatly increased the death toll. As a result, most of the surviving Turkish population in the area fled southward towards the struggling communities forming after Doomsday. Many of these communities and newborn states accepted as many refugees as they could. However, one by one, once they could no longer support a larger population, they forced the refugees away, often with armed force. Many of these refugees reached the coast of southern Turkey where, seeing that they could no longer run, established small, tribe-like communities. These weak, but hostile, communities struggled along the coast until the more powerful states in the area absorbed them. Eventually, most of these communities were absorbed into the Sultanate once they expanded to the coast. Meanwhile in northern Turkey, those who remained struggled greatly to survive. Three years of failed crops due to the fallout wiped out most of the population. Large areas of the countryside became totally depopulated. Several towns and villages were abandoned. The city of Eskişehir, the largest in the area, was destroyed by urban warfare between various nomadic gangs, which caused a mass exodus from the city leaving the ruins of the city abandoned. The survivors were forced to resort to foraging and fishing along the northern coast to survive. The area largely became run by bandit gangs, but the lack of any true state or other central authority in the region prevented redevelopment and any resemblance of stability. However, the explorers heard rumors of two relatively stable states further to the east and north. This inspired the Sultanate to push further, even at the risk of obtaining minimal control, in an effort to make contact with these new states {C In 1994, a second wave of expansion began. as Sultanate explorers pushed deeper into Turkey, they discovered that the northern most areas of Turkey had escaped some of the chaos and destruction that the area of the previous expansion had experienced. However, much of the area was still desolate. Remarkably, there was a group of survivors that gave the Sultanate great hope. The Interim Governmental Authority, based out of Samsun, was discovered in 1995, which also controlled much of northern Turkey. The IGA was established in the months after Doomsday to act as a temporary governmental authority until communication with the central government could be re-established. The military and local leaders banded together to see the people through this crisis. Once contact was established with the Sultanate, the IGA rejoiced and immediately began negotiations to unite with the Sultanate.

The expeditions pushed northward with only a limited idea of what to expect. Previous reports indicated that the area had reverted to a primitive near-tribal situation. Once expeditions reached the outskirts of Ankara, they quarantined the former capital and attempted to provide for the small communities that continued to survive outside the city. Some readily accepted their aid, while others attempted to steal it from the Sultanate expeditions. However, most of the bandits were quickly dispatched by the well-armed Turkish troops. They continued northward until they reached the borders of the Greek territory of Thrace in 1995. This was a recently established Greek colony set up by various Greek survivor states. However, the Thracians controlled what was formerly Turkish territory, which resulted in minor exploratory skirmishes along the Thracian border. While nothing ever escalated, the Sultanate now knew the strength of their northern neighbor. Additionally, Thrace was a member of the powerful Confederation of Greece, so the Sultanate turned its attention eastward intent on reclaiming the lands of eastern Turkey.

The Union Accords

After contact with the Interim Governmental Authority was made in 1995, negotiations immediately began on their reunification with the Sultanate. These negotiations ultimately resulted in a series of agreements known as Union Accords.

The first of the Union Accords is the Military & Security Treaty, created in late 1995. This treaty reorganized the IGA military as a subsidiary of the Imperial Turkish Armed Forces. Initially, the IGA military would maintain much of their independence, but they would be gradually incorporated into the ITSK. Ultimately, by 2002, all military forces of the IGA would be fully incorporated into the existing Turkish military structure and the IGA would only retain a militia and police force.

The second of the Union Accords, signed in 1996, is the Joint Economic Pact. This treaty created a free trade zone between the Sultanate and the IGA. Overall trade regulations would slowly be turned over to national control, by 2000, while the IGA would retain control internal trade regulation. In addition, 25 million TL in aid would be sent to the IGA immediately to use at their digression in their rebuilding efforts.

The third, and final, of the Union Accords is the Republican Unification Treaty, which was ratified in 1998. This last treaty fully united the IGA as an autonomous province of Turkey. The IGA, now known as the Autonomous Republic of Samsun, would relinquish control over all external affairs and the Sultanate would control all interprovinvical, international, and diplomatic matters. The transition to full unification will last until 2004.

The Hatayan-Sultanate War

In 1997, the Sultanate of Turkey reached the border of the Republic of Hatay, a powerful independent nation that rose after Doomsday. Beginning in the Hatayan capital of Iskenderum, Turkish military leaders seized control of the Hatay Province and established a militaristic oligarchy. They harshly suppressed rebellion in the province and by 1988 were poised to begin their expansion. Using their superior coordination and military forces, they expanded deep into northern Syria and southern Turkey. They marched west to Mersin and conquered west to the Kurdish border. In 1994, they initiated a war with the Republic of Kurdistan, whom the severely underestimated. They were defeated and driven back across the border. Luckily, Kurdistan refused to advance into their territory at that time, which saved the Republic while halting their eastward expansion

A Divided Turkey - 1997

In 1997, the Republic of Hatay believed they had sufficiently rebuilt to be able to combat the Sultanate of Turkey. Though the Sultanate had a greater population than the Republic, Hatayan military leaders believed believed that the Sultanate was stretched too thin from their recent conquests in the north and would be easy to defeat in their primary southern territories. According to their military planners, Hatay would be able to successfully invade and defeat the Sultanate by reaching Konya within nine months. If they were able to reach Konya, they believed that the Sultanate would fall. With this conviction, they began massing troops on their border. On April 12, 1997, the Republic of Hatay invaded the Sultanate of Turkey.

The invasion began in the early morning hours and was able to quickly overwhelm the border defenses. Within seven weeks, the Hatayan forces had reached Karapinar, which was only 100 km from Konya, the Sultanate's capital. The Hatayans had rightfully assumed that the Sultanate was spread thin due to their conquests. However, what they did not anticipate, was the speed with which they reassembled their forces and the large number of conscripts their larger population was able to mobilize. Three months after the invasion, the Republic of Hatay was pushed back to just beyond Silifke, only a few km from their border. At this point, the Hatayan military leaders realized what they had done and fortified their forces for the impending invasion. The Sultanate was able to devote an increasing amount of soldiers to the war effort due to the stabilization of the northern frontier. Slowly, Hatay was driven back until February of 1998, they were decisively defeated at the Battle of Osmaniye, which opened the road to Iskenderum, Gaziantep, and beyond. Shortly after, the oppressed people of Hataya and the Syrian generals rebelled, causing increased problem for the Hatayan government. While the Syrian generals were defeated, many of the popular rebellions destabilized the front and forced the Hatayan military further back. In June of 1998, the Hatayan capital, Iskenderum, was taken and the Republic of Hatay collapsed. The remnants of the central government continued to fight in northern Syria and the Kurdish border provinces. Much of the still unconquered eastern portions of the nation rebelled, due to the harsh treatment of the Hatayan government, and joined the Sultanate. Finally, on November 11, 1999, the last of the Hatayan military leaders surrendered and the war was finally over. The entirety of the Republic of Hatay was annexed into the Sultanate of Turkey.

Despite the defeat of the Hatayan warlords, minor insurgencies would arise in the area. These would not be completely defeated for another three years. Nonetheless, Turkey was one step closer towards its goal of total unification.

A New Turkey

Reconstruction

Following the end of the Hatayan-Sultanate War, much of southwest Turkey and northern Syria needed to be rebuilt due to extensive damage during the war. In addition, many of the northern areas of the country that were acquired during the past decade lacked in development and also needed to be reconstructed. As a result, the Sultanate relocated a massive amount of funds and manpower to accelerate the reconstruction of these devastated areas. The goal is to have them rebuilt to pre-war conditions by 2006 and re-industrialized to pre-Doomsday, or better, conditions by 2011. If successful, large portions of Turkey will become industrialized and productive new areas of the country.

Initially, reconstruction personnel focused on the repair of any direct damage from warfare. This primarily included the repair of buildings, the clearing of debris and rubble, and reactivation of basic utilities. Despite the newly acquired resources available, this phase of reconstruction progressed over the course of several years because of the long-term construction projects that were included. The second phase of the reconstruction process was the redevelopment of transportation infrastructure. The goal was the total re-establishment of the Turkish road and railway system. The final phase of the reconstruction process was the implementation of the Turkish Re-industrialization program in recently acquired territories. This phase was not implemented until 2007 and expected completion is not until 2015 or later.

End of the Millenium

After the Hatayan War, Turkish forces had reached the border of the Republic of Kurdistan, another nation that had arisen from the ashes of Doomsday. They also controlled parts of southern Turkey, which they seized in a bloody war in the months following Doomsday. Turkish military units in the area were forced to withdraw and moved north to establish the Republic of Greater Patnos. Kurdish possession of Turkish territory further infuriated the Turks. Kurdistan, having a long and bloody history with Turkey, immediately began to strengthen their military to protect their borders. Both countries stood ready for war, but both knew they could not entirely win. However, the Turks had proved themselves militarily against the Hatayans and were prepared to defend themselves when necessary. This standoff eventually grew into a minor arms race between the two nations with each seek to expand their militaries to eventually defeat the other. The primary Turkish goal was the conquest of northern Kurdistan, which was part of pre-Doomsday Turkey. However, the more radical of the nationalists and royalists demanded the complete annexation of Kurdistan to forever eliminate the threat they posed to the Sultanate and begin the recreation of the Turkish Empire. The primary Kurdish goal was the defeat of the Sultanate of Turkey and the permanent security of their borders. Due to their long fight for independence, very few Kurds were eager for conquest and merely desired to ensure their national existence. As a result, they began strengthening ties to their neighbor and ally, Iran, as a counterbalance for the rising strength of the Sultanate of Turkey.

Turkey in 2000

Interaction with the Outside World

The Sultanate of Turkey was able to establish contact with the outside world, first through the Dodecanese Republic in 1988, then through its successor the Confederation of Greece. Turkey was able to re-establish contact with other countries in the area, namely Israel, Egypt, Sicily, Alpine Confederation, and Pais Del Oro. Through these countries, Turkey was able to discover what had happened to the country after Doomsday. Unfortunately, most of Turkey's primary allies were divided and weak. Most were still recomposing themselves from Doomsday. Meanwhile, the United States was completely destroyed. However, Turkey's traditional enemy, Greece, had become a powerful nation that dominated the eastern Mediterranean. The Soviet Union, the one country Turkey truly feared, was driven past the Urals due to the nuclear strikes and now had no control of their western territories in Ukraine and the Caucasus. Many of the nationalists in the Turkish elite began to discuss the potentials this power vacuum could offer Turkey.

Re-industrialization

Since his ascension to the throne, Sultan Ertuğrul II had become an unexpected political force in the new Sultanate. When the government was formed, most of the Turkish elite assumed the Sultan would be a mere figurehead that would have little power. Due to his great intelligence, eloquence, and support for democracy, he became extremely popular with the general public with and many among the civilian and military factions. Using his influence, he introduced a Re-industrialization program to the Imperial Assembly in 1998. After several weeks of debate in the Imperial Assembly, which had recently been strengthened by the Sultan, and the approval of the Imperial Council, the Turkish Re-industrialization Act went into law. Institutions similar to those created by Kemal Atatürk in the 1920s were created. They placed most of the Turkish economy under centralized government control. The goal was to maximize the efficiency of all available resources for the purpose of rebuilding the Turkish industrial and agricultural base. In addition, capital was also devoted to improve and expand the nation's energy production capabilities. They used what little oil they had in addition to solar panels and wind turbines, despite their relative inefficiency and low Turkish technical skill in this area. The program was organized into several three-year plans with each designed to improve another aspect of the Turkish economy. The first Three-Year Plan (TYP) focused on energy and agricultural production. The second Three-Year Plan focused on industrial development. The third, and final, Three-Year Plan focused on military development and nuclear energy research.

Forward Turkey!

The Macedonian Intervention

Kingdom of Macedonia

Contact with the Kingdom of Macedonia was first established in 1992 after Macedonian naval patrols set out across the Aegean Sea to establish contact with the other rumored survivor states in the area. They were told of other survivor states in the area by the bordering Greek survivor states. On September 3, 1992, they landed on the eastern coast of Turkey, near the ruins of Izmir where they were discovered by Turkish border patrols. Initially, the group was arrested and brought to Konya, however, they were fed well because they were close to starvation. Once in Konya, they were brought before the Turkish Foreign Minister, an office that was minimally used until now, who immediately brought them before the Imperial Council. Before the Imperial Council, the Macedonian explorers spoke of their new nation and the strides they had taken in such a short time. They were also informed about other Greek Survivor states in the area. Delighted that non-Greek states survived in the Aegean, the Turkish government immediately reequipped the Macedonians, supplied them with a larger ship, and sent them back to Macedonia, with an ambassador. In secret closed door meetings, the Imperial Council decided that it would be best to cooperate fully with the Macedonians as a way to eventually strengthen their position against Greece.

Once the Macedonians returned to their country, the Turkish ambassador was brought before Alexander II, King of Macedonia. The ambassador told the King, and his advisers, of Turkey and their ongoing efforts to reunify the country. He also mentioned the current condition of the Turkish military that had survived Doomsday and had been successfully restructured to meet the challenges of the post-Doomsday world. Admiring the strength of their nation, and secretly hoping for their assistance, Alexander II declared he would personally visit Turkey to further their relations. The Turkish ambassador, shocked by this news, immediately sent radio messages back to Turkey informing them of the coming visit. Turkish officials were surprised, but pleased, that the Macedonian King himself would visit. They made preparations and on January 1, 1993, Alexander II arrived in Konya to a lavish ceremony. Talks between the Sultan and Alexander went well and they pledged to further their relations.

After a visit of the Macedonian King and President, a formal alliance was established in 1995. This friendship was seen by the Turkish government as the first step to reasserting its influence in the Balkans. Despite Macedonia's internal problems, the two nations were able to increase trade between them and establish a formal military cooperation. Beginning in 1996, the Turkish military began sending advisers to Macedonia to further train and equip their military. This was done after a request from the Macedonian government to help strengthen their military, so they would be able to respond to any ethnic violence that broke out in the region. In 1997, a Serbian independence faction broke away from Macedonia and established the dictatorial Serbian Republic. This started a massive civil war in Macedonia that Turkey was soon drawn into. With the outbreak of war, Turkey immediately increased its number of advisers in Macedonia. In February 1998, Turkey also rapidly increased its arms shipments to the country and allowed Macedonian use of their special forces against the Serbian rebels. With this assistance, the Kingdom of Macedonia was able to begin to repel the rebels and further encroach into their territory. After much debate in the Imperial Council and Imperial Assembly, the deployment of 5,000 soldiers to Macedonia was approved by a slim margin, due to current commitments in northern Turkey and against the Republic of Hatay. The growing New Turkiye Party pushed for this deployment to further increase their influence in Macedonian affairs. These troops were decisive to the Macedonian war effort and played a major role in the pivotal Battle of Skopje. On December 31, 1999, the last of the Serbian rebels surrendered and the war was over. The Macedonian government greatly thanked Turkey and its soldiers returned home. Once they arrived, they were greeted as heroes, which showed the popularity of the war. The nationalists and expansionists in the Turkish government realized that war was a way for them to gain power in the government. This would set the stage for later conflict.

Eastern Wastelands

Eastern Turkish Wasteland

After the conquest of the Republic of Hatay, Turkey finally was in reach of the rest of its territory. Much of eastern Turkey was divided into many states in an area known as the Eastern Turkish Wasteland. In the years after Doomsday, many states rose and fell in the Wasteland. However, in 2001 when Sultanate patrols penetrated the Wasteland, two primary states were found: the Second Empire of Trabzon and Republic of Greater Patnos, who were constantly vying for dominance. Surrounding them were a myriad of smaller states, some of whom could stand on their own, while others were forced to play to the interests of other powers. Still recovering from the Hatayan-Sultanate War, Sultanate political leaders decided to not start any new wars until their military could recover. Many states in the Wasteland saw this as a reprieve from the seemingly unstoppable imperial advance. However, other states, saw hope in the coming in the Sultanate for a united Turkey could finally be achieved.

Consolidation

With the end of the Hatayan-Sultanate War, Turkey was mostly united. However, after the end of the campaign, southeastern Turkey was clearly in need of assistance from the central government. While some areas were stable and productive, other areas, such as Osmaniye, were almost totally destroyed from the intense fighting. Luckily, reconstruction and re-industrialization efforts had recently completed in many of the core provinces along with some of more recently acquired northern provinces provinces and major Aegean and Black Sea port cities. Large areas of northern Turkey remain minimally developed, which has forced large amounts of aid to be devoted to supporting the region. Industrialization has greatly increased the Turkish economic and industrial base, which enabled them to begin the reconstruction of the Hatayan territories. However, the rapid acquisition of territory and the need to rebuild it has created a large drain on Turkish resources. The Turkish government has began to look towards foreign investment, especially from the GSU, to fund many of their reconstruction efforts.

Turkish Expansion

Also, more important than the reconstruction efforts, the Hatayan territories were still a highly volatile area. Many of the former generals had become guerrilla fighters and developed insurgencies. Some of these insurgencies were small and weak. However, others were more powerful and well-equipped. They harassed Turkish forces and controlled small, isolated areas of the countryside. Primarily, the Army's occupational forces secured the urban areas and have deployed across the countryside to further the fight against these insurgents. Also, the Subasi has been deployed to provide further security and track down the militants. The insurgency had a minimal impact, though many feared it could grow and become a significant drain on resources. Fortunately, due to the apt pre-Doomsday anti-insurgency experience of the Turkish Armed Forces, the Hatayan insurgents were quickly contained and totally eradicated by 2003.

A Quiet Turkey

After the Hatyan-Sultanate War, the Sultanate of Turkey experienced an unprecedented era of peace and prosperity from 2000-2005. With the end of war on all fronts, massive funds were poured into Turkish economic development. Thanks to their new links with the rest of the world, investments began coming in, first a trickle, then a wave (primarily from the GSU). As a result, the Turkish economy boomed, enabling many areas to fully industrialize. Consumer goods became plentiful for the first time since Doomsday, agricultural exports soared, and new factories were being built across Turkey. Also, many of the cities destroyed on Doomsday or by the post-Doomsday aftermath, such as Ankara, began to be rebuilt. While it would be many years before most of these cities would become repopulated, the process had begun and greatly strengthened Turkey's national pride. This economic boom strengthened the New Turkiye Party, who became the sole ruling party in 2005.

In addition to the economic advancements, this era of peace enabled major cultural developments in Turkey. New Doomsday-inspired art and music flooded the cultural scene. The Turkish movie industry also began to recover as the economy grew and governmental controls were loosened. Museums began to feature artifacts of Doomsday, including things as diverse as Soviet missile parts to melted buildings. Another, unintended, side effect of this cultural explosion was the weakening of Islam in the country. This caused a weakening in the Party of Virtue and the Doomsday Revival movement.

New Conflicts

Fall of Elazig

In October of 2004, the Sultanate of Turkey launched a blitzkrieg-style invasion of the State of Elazig, the westernmost Wasteland state. Due to their connections with the (now defunct) Republic of Hatay and Republic of Kurdistan, they were identified early on as a prime target for conquest. The invasion served two purposes: to expand into the Wasteland and to intimidate other Wasteland states into joining Turkey. Through overwhelming numbers, superior equipment, and a unstoppable drive, the Sultanate conquered Elazig within six months. On March 24, 2005, the State of Elazig surrendered unconditionally to the Sultanate of Turkey.

Influencing the Wasteland

After the fall of Elazig, several smaller border states, fearing conquest, joined the Sultanate of Turkey in desperation. These new states were accepted into the Sultanate and fully incorporated into the state within several months. Other small states began forming coalitions in an attempt to withstand this new threat. During the next several years, these coalitions would battle against the allies of Sultanate, New Erzurum and the Republic of Greater Patnos, as they expanded with Sultanate money and arms. To stand against them, the Second Empire of Trabzon led, and later absorbed, a coalition of smaller states. Finally, by 2009, only three Wasteland states remained: Trabzon, New Eruzurum, and Patnos.

2011 General Elections

During a long and tumultuous election campaign, the primary parties, the New Turkiye and Republican People's Parties, fought for control of the country's politics as the country approached the June 2011 election. However, due to the strong economy and growing regional presence of Turkey under the YTP, they were long since assured an overall victory. Nonetheless, the CHP and other parties launched a relentless campaign to weaken the YTP, largely based on somewhat factual charges of increased authoritarianism. As a result of these efforts, YTP gains were limited and an absolute majority remained elusive.