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|843-880 (90-127 AD) (L'Uniona Homanus)||880-902 (127-149 AD) (L'Uniona Homanus)||902-916 (149-163 AD) (L'Uniona Homanus)|
The Tibetan EmergenceIn the Yarlung Valley of the Himalayas there was a dynasty which held control of the region for several years. Their first leader, who would be styled Emperor in the future of this country, named Nyatri Tsenpo ruled from 626 (127 BC). The date of his death was not recorded as the mythology of Tibet says that the Kings of Tibet only ascend into Heaven when they feel that they have spent too much time on Earth. At the time of the Sinican Expedition to Tibet the only area of civilization was the Yarlung valley. They were kept together by the high mountains and treacherous valleys of the Himalayas. They traded many things with the Tibetans, including their unique sort of religion which had only loose ties to Buddhism. However, when the weapons of the Sinicans fell to the Tibetan Kings they were intrigued beyond their wildest dreams.
In OTL the current king of the valley, Tisho Lek, never made such a discovery because the technology for such things wasn’t know. This is where the History of Tibet begins in this Timeline in the year 880 (127 AD) with the introduction of Tisho Lek to the firearm and his proceeding to expand out of the Yarlung Valley.
The Tibetans found themselves in close combat with the other tribes of the Tibetan Plateau. The Monpas, the Qiang and the Lhobas. The Monpa people had the most similar culture and for a long time were the closest partner of the Tibetans. The Monpa leadership was able to protect itself from the Tibetans in years past and over the years they had gained a mutual respect for each other and were working cooperatively, a skill necessary to survival in the extreme conditions of that area. Similar feelings were held among the Qiang and Lhoba people, who were more closely related to the Sinicans.The Monpa and the Tibetans came together quickly after the effects of the firearm to devastate their land and property were demonstrated to them. The Qiang and the Lhoba were not going to be so easily won over
The War of the Tibetan Plateau
The Qiang and the Lhoba people also had the technology of the Sinican armory and had come together once the Tibetans made their move to incorporate them into their hegemony. The Qiang and Lhoba were, in the minds of the Second Han Emperors, would be proxies for the Sinicans to take control of the Tibetan region with as little involvement as possible. Also, the knowledge that these people had of their own geography would make their operations much less costly than if the Sinican Empire had tried to overload the harsh terrain.
Proxy warfare had become the norm among the Empire of Asia. It was going to break out in the mountains in 882 (129 AD). The Tibetans were the first to move, as they were the only ones with the intention to expand. Tisho Lek separated the Tibetan and the Monpa ethnicity from each other in the ranks of his military. Being from the Eastern portion of the mountains the Tibetans would move out from there and would leave the Western side to the Monpas, who had much more extensive knowledge of that area. The Qiang and the Lhoba, though they had the warfare technology of the Sinicans, were not looking to expand and were content with where they were. If the Sinicans had not known that the Tibetans were a much more imperial minded people, despite their religious beliefs in things like peace and unity, then they probably would not have bothered with allying with the Qiang and Lhoba.
Once the Tibetans made their move on the Qiang and Lhoba areas in 882 (129 AD) the War of the tibetan Plateau had begun. The Tibetans moved in and began to ravage the Lhoba, who were closest. The crevasses of the mountains were the most treacherous as that year was particularly bad in regards to small earthquakes in certain areas. This brought some battles to an end quickly by swallowing up the enemy forces or providing long enough of a distraction to allow one side to catch momentum over the other. The violence which had started when the Tibetans first gained these technologies was not comparable to the battles now taking place. The peaceful temples of Confucianism and Taoism were stormed by the partially Thenmobist and partially Buddhist believing Tibetans. The Lhoba were taken the quickest but the Qiang had better defenses. Their holdout in the corner of these mountains was fierce and they made some advancements against the forces of Tibet. The Sinicans from the border came in to provide reinforcements to their ally. This failed however and the Tibetans united their plateau under Tisho Lek.
Tisho died in the year 888 (135 AD) just four years after uniting his country. His son Guru Lek took the title of Emperor, at the age of fourteen. He started to build a palace in the Yarlung Valley, the source of the Tibetan ethnicity and what he intended to be the center of the new Empire. Guru Lek had the first meeting of a foreign leader to Tibet when he invited Emperor Yuanhong to Sengdroma (Lhasa), the capital, in 889 (136 AD).
The Population Boom of 889 (136 AD)
After the establishment of the Tibetan Empire, the dealings of the Tibetan resources was much easier to be sold. From India, to Srivijaya, and especially the Sinicans and Japanese, the Tibetans were not only making great advancements with their own military but they were making the armed forces of its neighbors much stronger as well. Tibet became the center of the arms trade in Asia and it made so many new manufacturing areas that the wealth of this new country was the envy of the region.
Trade from Tibet made revolutionary growth in the neighboring regions of Asia and the populations thereof began to expand rapidly as people were looking towards a brighter future. The cultivation of plants in Sinica was aided by the construction of their newest system of canals, started by Emperor Guangmei, was completed in the southern part of the Empire. In India, the theocratic monarchy was making similar strides against the deserts of the peninsula.
The Harbin Revolution and the Great Council of Emperor Seimu
The Japanese Colony had been rather well managed in the years of the most recent Emperors. The nobles held power and the enslaved were working without compunction but this system was beginning to disintegrate in this decade. With the loss not only of their access to Korea but also the areas above the Korean border, which were rich with deposits, many on the continental part of the Empire were questioning their leadership. The loss of these regions was not a large dent in the mechanism that was Japan at this time though it seemed larger than it was in reality due to its hype among the common people and the media. The Nobles, under orders of the Emperor, promptly crushed this dissent, something which also did not go unnoticed.
In the city of Harbin 哈尔滨 in the Japanese Colony a rebellion broke out and took many by surprise. The rebellion was put down quickly; however it made many new rebellions take place around the Japanese territory. The Mongols especially were talking of renewing their independence from Japan. Stockpiles of weapons from Tibet were making the Mongols the largest customer of the factories in the mountains of the Himalayas. The oppression that the native peoples of areas like North Asia and in Hainan, Luzon, and Taiwan was beginning to break down simultaneously after hearing of the Harbin Rebellion.
The Emperor, Seimu 成務, brought together the highest Shoguns of the islands of Hainan, Taiwan, and Luzon as well as the Governors of New Echizen in the year 892 (139 AD). This act supported the common rumor throughout Asia that the new Japanese Emperor was inexperienced and desperate to form a reputation. Seimu, whose reign only had five years to its name and no real achievements on the stage of the Eastern World other than these rebellions. They discussed with each other until they reached the conclusion that the morale and pride of the subjects needed replenishment with new conquests. “They will not be satisfied with more expansions into useless cold territory which is barely navigable “ said the Governor of the Northernmost portion of the colony. The Japanese all prepared not only to take on their rebellious members but also to rile them into fighting their greatest enemy, the Sinicans.
The Second Sino-Japanese War
The Japanese were going to try to take as few chances as possible in the war they were going to start. Their closest ally, the Srivijaya, were placed around the coasts of Sinica to prevent them from going from one part of the country to the other or worse into the Japanese Islands. The Sinicans, once they heard of this, were entering a panic stage at the lowest levels of society with the stories of the terrors from the Japanese during their last attempts at invasion returning to the fronts of the public mind. Emperor Yuanhong was not so terrified. The Dukes of the Sinican Council were disbanded and returned to their respective armies to fight the Japanese enemy. The repairs made to the Great Wall of Bei would protect that border for some time but the real threat to the Sinican lands was the coastal cities. The Srivijaya were not going to invade the Han Dynasty, as they were depleted by their obligation to the coastal blockade. The Sinicans were aware of this and moved their southern troops to the coasts where the Japanese had always chosen to attack.
The Han were prepared to use the same tactics that the Japanese had, mainly deception and making friends within the enemy. The Mongolians especially were quick to link up with the Sinicans after the news of the start of the war reached them. This breakout was not going to leave the Tibetans uneffected. The factories of the country were exploding with profits, more than they knew what to do with. The Sinicans appealed to them for assistance but any outright alliance with any one of these countries could be seen as a prejudice to the other and effect the monetary leaps that they were making. The Srivijaya and the Maurya, who had been openly antagonistic towards each other since the end of the War on the Indian Ocean, were still locked in as intense a hatred as ever. The Sinicans wanted to reach out to their potential Indian ally but the blockade prevented communication with such a far off country. The Japanese were going to be the focus for the moment but the first city to be attacked was not the most vulnerable, the most coastal, but some were quite internal.
The Battle of Nanyang
Nanyang 南阳 had been a favorite for trade in the Empire, it was one of the centers of trade that was not on the coast. Though as one approached the City of Shanghai, the cities became larger, Nanyang was important for making any expeditions between the two halves of the Empire. The Japanese, apparently, had been infiltrating the city during the years after the meeting of the Emperor and before the open declaration of war in 894 (141 AD). The evacuees of the big cities into the interior was halted as news of “complete Terror” was coming out from Nanyang and the surrounding region. The evacuees found themselves almost trapped and they feared going either direction. They were told to stay in the nearest city and allow the army to do its job. This did not improve the atmosphere of panic in the country.
The Japanese, now in command of Nanyang, were building up their forces outwards from this center. Yuanhong however was not letting them. From all ends of the Han Empire the Sinicans were moving to Nanyang to take it back. As this was happening from the end of the Empire, the Japanese were coming up through the Yangtze river to attack the moving troops. Nanyang was recaptured but was hardly important. The Japanese naval power was pushing into Wuhan, where the Imperial Palace and some of the wealthiest people lived.
The quick securing of Shanghai and the timely movement up the Yangtze reminded many of the Second Great Sinican War. While the Armies were moving to defend the capital there were Maurya troops preparing to move into the defenseless Srivijaya. The blockade of Sinica was falling apart after the Srivijaya heard of the movements by the Maurya towards them. Samraat Harishchandra and Maharajah Balaputra VI were going to have their own war and the Japanese were left to face Sinica alone.
The Revolution in Hainan and the Korean TigerWhen the Srivijaya ships were seen leaving the seas around Sinica they knew it could only mean one thing. In Hainan, a center of Japanese-Srivijaya relations since its conquest, the loss of the ships sent its internal sects into a frenzy. The independent minded wanted to throw off any oppression from Sinica or Japan or anyone else. Many more people joined a loosely commanded army that sought to return to Sinica. Emperor Yuanhong, knowing that having Hainan would increase not only increase his reputation but also be a strategic gain for the naval battles which could come out of the South. Though Seimu allowed the Srivijaya to retreat without incident, all of the generals were furious at this development. The full force of the Japanese navy was going to need to be used. This would be the first war in which the Emperor of Japan would fight for more than a century.
Hainan gained its independence and chose to reattach itself to the Han Dynasty. Commanders could be seen with brighter countenance after hearing of this news. They were now almost entirely sure of their success. At that same time the Koreans had made their decision on who to follow. The choice of the Japanese was a difficult one for the leadership of the Peninsula. They chose the promise of independence to be better than the option from Sinica. They could take that land anyway if they were victorious. Korea invaded Beijing not long after reaching a decision, as they had wasted enough time to come to it. The Koreans made this large city erupt in a conflagration that caused the population to scatter in terror. The Japanese, who were directing their troops away from the Northern part of Sinica. The Japanese had bigger problems that they were facing on the Yangtze.
The Third Battle of Taiwan
Japan and Korea were moving in to Wuhan and were finding more resistance than they expected from the people of the country. In recent years the laws which used to restrict the use of arms to only the protection orders and the military had been repealed in the Duchies near the capital. After the fire in Beijing the city of Tianjin was next on the list of the Koreans. The Japanese were being pushed back and weren’t making much more progress past Shanghai after about a month of fighting on that river.
In the spring of 896 (143 AD) the Japanese had a strong base in the city of Shanghai though they still wanted to move into the rest of the country. The Japanese Emperor’s army moved in from above Shanghai to meet up with a group of soldiers who were already in battle with Yuanhong’s lead general, Li Zemin 李泽民, while Yuanhong himself looked for a different strategy. Zemin and his troops were competent enough, in the opinion of Yuanhong, that they could handle the situation with the Japanese. At this time the Sinicans were preparing to take this war to the Japanese directly. Their prize that they held over the Sinicans for centuries, the island of Taiwan, would again be the subject of the aggression between these two coutnries. Li Zemin did bet back the Japanese, despite heavy losses on his side. They were going to camp there and wait for reinforcements, which came not too soon when at the same time Korea was approaching a rendezvous with Japan after their string of victories on the coast of Sinica.
Yuanhong moved into the port of Kaohsiung 高雄 after breaking through an impressive group of ships from Japan which were going to close in on Southern Sinica. As the Continental forces moved in between the largest gap between the two columns of ships the Japanese opened fire. This was not to win them much as the flanking sides of the main column, with Yuanhong, moved onto the island. These flanks destroyed, with the flamethrowers which used to define Taiwan, part of the Japanese Naval attack but many managed to move on towards the mainland.
At this time the Hainanese made themselves useful for the first time since the start of the war. They had been fighting the Japanese occupying forces which had taken over the government and had run the island as one large military base since its annexation. The removal of the Shogun, who was appointed by the Emperor, and the removal of most of the higher command levels of the naval forces. The Hainan forces moved out of their island to meet with invasion forces coming from Japan. They flew the Japanese banner and entered alongside the Japanese fleets. The Japanese believed that they had defeated the uprising in Hainan and these ships had come in to assist them. They were wrong.
Hainanese troops attacked their allies from all directions and were making it a priority to cause as much damage as possible, even at the cost of survival. Hainanese soldiers who had boarded with the actual Japanese ships they met with went into a frenzy of violence. The gunpowder stores that occupied most of the cargo area of the ships turned the ships into a spectacle on the sea. This loss kept the Japanese from invading from South of the Yangtze river and the capture of Taiwan would be a blow for the supply line of their navy but the war was still being fought on the continent.
The Battle of Huangshi
The push up the Yangtze river after this group of losses only went to the small city of Huangshi 黄石. The Japanese became more confident in their possibilities as the Koreans came together with the Japanese. Though many troops had been lost from both Hainan and Taiwan the main islands had many reserves and so did the colony to the north, which had been relatively unused in this war. Seimu entered the actual battle after amassing troops from the main islands. The Koreans and the Japanese were spreading outwards from the coasts and making many gains in the North Sinica. The Colonial Japanese troops were coming down to enter the battle but were forced to stop in many areas due to consistent attacks on the supply line behind them from the native people, even after they had relented to conquest. The force from islands like Honshu and Kyushu were massive and though some sailed up the river many had to go by land in order for the larger ships to have enough room to navigate.
Li Zemin, who fell back after the arrival of the Koreans, was meeting with the far off platoons from the far end of the Empire which had taken such a long time to arrive at the front of action. The Emperor, Yuanhong, was deciding whether to take on the Japanese islands even after most of their troops were gone or to fight them on his homeland. Li Zemin and the western soldiers were making advances in the beginning of the battle in the start winter in 897 (144 AD). However one the Koreans caught up with the Japanese, Zemin appeared as if he would be overwhelmed. Yuanhong made the tough decision to abandon Taiwan and move in from behind the enemy on the River he knew better than most.
Yuanhong cam to battle the Koreans in the back of the Yangtze line. Li Zemin began to lure the Japanese off of the river and onto the coasts as this was happening. Neither knew exactly what the other was doing. The Japanese started to suffer losses as Zemin and his forces led them to the highlands, which were held by the Sinicans. When the Japanese looked behind them and saw that the Koreans were involved in another battle and not behind them they began to move back, inferring that this other part of the SInican army could only be Yuanhong. Under the command of Emperor Seimu the goal of the Japanese became the death of the Sinican Emperor. Li Zemin moved and the Japanese were calling all their troops into or near the river. Emperor Yuanhong had them exactly where he wanted them.
The Japanese and the Koreans were in an unlucky position at this stage of the battle. Yuanhong had few questions of victory now and was moving recklessly through the Korean ships. Li Zemin was taking a much more conservative look and still believed that the Japanese had some sort of hidden option they were keeping secret. The Sinicans, after hours of explosions that could deafen, moved on to the flagship of the Japanese and were searching for the Emperor, to be sure he was there. Yuanhong and Seimu died on that boat as Li Zemin attacked its cargo hold and caused its supply of gunpowder to ignite the ship. When Li Zemin met up with the Sinicans behind them he looked for the Emperor until he was informed of their apparent loss. The Japanese, those who were on the land, moved back as far north as they could after seeing the fall of their Emperor. The news struck not only the Japanese but the Koreans also who knew their future would be one of subjugation.When this small contingency moved to meet the army from the Colony they convinced them to return to their lands. The Korean Peninsula was left almost defenseless as both waited for the Sinicans to move. Li Zemin also waited for the Japanese to arrive and when they entered the walls of Shanghai the few Japanese who were left behind in the city surrendered quickly. Sinica did not look for revenge and actually abandoned their success in Taiwan as Li Zemin was trying to reassure the scrambling people that they cold return to their cities, or what was left of them. This overlooking of the grievances which the Empire had from the war was not explainable but for the shock that can be inferred to have existed in Zemin, who was leading the army thereafter.
When they returned to Wuhan, he informed the Empress of what had happened and she expressed only forgiveness on behalf of her husband. Jia Ping was made Emperor and his mother was regent. Empress Teng 滕 and her son Emperor Fanglan 芳蘭 worked to rebuild their country while the Japanese looked for a possible successor.
The Japanese War of Succession
In New Echizen
The Japanese war of Succession began in the end of the Second Sino-Japanese War after the Japanese Emperor Seimu, and the Sinican Emperor Yuanhong, died near the city of Huangshi on the Yangtze River. Emperor Seimu had no living children. The remaining forces of both the Japanese and Korean armies moved back to the Japanese Colony and relinquished their hold on what they had conquered, as a vacuum of leadership was taking place in the Japanese Empire. Koreans went back into their peninsula and also took another provinces which connected the founding parts of the Second Han Dynasty and which used to be part of the Japanese Colony and then taken by the Sinicans in order to gain a direct land link to the Korean PeninsulaIn the Japanese Colony of New Echizen, the Six Shoguns of the different regions of the colony were competing with each other to become the new Emperor. In Mongolia, the Shogun who was put in charge of their area was holding down the rebellion that was erupting therein. Shogun Hosokawa 細川 of Mongolia was outside of the main conflict as his immediate problem was the Mongolians who wanted to be independent from Japan, again, after being annexed during the famine of 843 (90 AD). Shogun Shozaburo 庄三郎 of the industrial area near the Korean border was by far the predicted winner of these wars. Quickly after the news of the death of Emperor Seimu reached Shozaburo he was declared Emperor by his own army and began to take out the other Shoguns. Shogun Koritsune 頼経 of the Eastern Coastal cities ceded to Shozaburo and assimilated the eastern army with his own. Koritsune would be left with a noble position if he pledged his allegiance to Shozaburo as Emperor of the Japanese Empire. In the far north, the Japanese were only in small developing regions and these were supported in many instances by the slave labor of the sparse tribes of native people. When their Shogun, Sadatoki 貞時, assassinated the Western Shogun, Munenobu 宗宣, and took that army for himself he would not only use the troops of Japanese ethnicity but also make many of the slaves into infantry regiments. Sadatoki and Shozaburo were preparing to fight each other near their respective border when the news came out of Mongolia that that area had been made independent. Shozaburo and Sadatoki were hesitant as to continue with their plans or to move against the Mongol rebels.
The reached their conclusion, which was later recorded as inevitable, to push back the Mongolians and resume their fight thereafter. The Shogun who had been placed in charge of the Mongolians was dead and Sadatoki and Shozaburo sent lower ranking officials to fight for them. Protection forces remained with these Shoguns, should the other attempt a surprise attack. Neither did. In the fight to retake Mongolia the former Shogun Munenobu died, though his army’s goals were successful. The descendants of the former Khans of Mongolia were killed by Munenobu and Mongolia was falling apart. By 900 (147 AD) Mongolia was suppressed.
On the Islands
The Generals of the Ryukyu Islands moved into Taiwan to restore their control of the place. there was not much left of the Sinicans there anyway and this operation went rather smoothly. By the time the Battle of Huangshi ended the victory that Yuanhong had on this large and strategic island was reversed. Information coming back to them, including the news of the death of Emperor Seimu, sent the warlords of the islands into as much of a scramble as their counterparts on the continent. The Ryukyuans supported an unlikely candidate for the Imperial crown, the wife of Emperor Seimu, Empress Harima 播. She had acquainted herself with almost all the members of the Imperial Court. From the Generals of the several circuits and islands of Japan to the Dukes of the largest cities, she was well known in her Empire. Harima cam from power and became the Empress of Japan in an arrangement made by the father of Emperor Seimu and the Duke of Kyoto shortly after Seimu’s birth. The two were not known to have any marital troubles, not that anyone would be able to confirm them. This did not stop rumors from her detractors.
Among these men which Harima found “unsavory, undignified, and uncivilized,” were the Generals of the Two Northern Islands of Hokkaido 北海道 and Karafuto 樺太 (Sakhalin). The Northern islands had a much less refined culture and were only considered partially Japanese. The Emperor found more civility in people from places like Taiwan, which were much farther away than either of these, than he did in Hokkaido and Karafuto. This lack of refinement made their ability to adjust to the imperial customs a very difficult and challenging art for them. As such they rarely played a large role in ceremonies of the Empire. Their importance was quite well known to the leaders of the country, however. The General of Hokkaido, Nakasone 中曽根, with the allegiance of Karafuto were going to take on their masters in the lower islands.
The Battle of Kyoto
Nakasone reached as low as the city of Kyoto, the capital, where the most intense battle that had yet been seen in that region took place. At the same time as the Mongolians were being suppressed by the armies of Shoguns Sadatoki and Shozaburo, Empress Harima was directing the movement of troops against Nakasone and his “Norther Barbarians.”
The walls of Kyoto, though they were high, would be put to task protecting the common people of the surrounding area until the battle ended. The Nobility was urged to stand by the Empress, in full military vestments, who would defeat the Northerners. Harima, after using the improved grenade made in the Kyoto University and which would have gone to Emperor Seimu if he had not been cut down as he was, devastate Nakasone’s front line and was going to move around the sides of their army and engulf them like a shark on a minnow. According to mythologized versions of this battle Harima stabbed Nakasone in his blasphemous throat with a spear near the end of the battle though this was not confirmed by actual records. 899 (146 AD) was the end of the Battle of Kyoto and the islands of Karafuto and Hokkaido relented to their new Empress.
The End of Hostilities 902 (149 AD)
Empress Harima, who had received calls for peace from both Shogun Sadatoki and Shozaburo, met with them on the continent, a still rare act by a member of the Imperial family to visit the colony. She expected to receive the same loyalty she had from Generals back on the main islands. When both of them suggested that she step down and allow both of them to reign jointly, she described her reaction in official records as internally shocked and appalled. She responded tersely and rejected both of them, and their audacity to ask her for marriage. She killed both of them, with a hidden blade under her sleeve, and declared that she would bring a “orgy of death to this colony,” if their armies would not submit immediately. having heard the stories of Kyoto and the defeat of Nakasone it was not surprising that they united under her.
The Bengal War
In 895 (142 AD) Samraat Harishchandra declared war on the Srivijaya Empire. This left the Japanese and the Sinicans to fight their war on their own and marked a turning point for the movements of the Second Sino-Japanese War. When the Maurya moved their own navy towards the Srivijaya, a navy which had been quickly rebuilt over the past twenty years, the goal of the Maurya was the influence, rather than takeover, of the mainland parts of the Empire, not the islands.
The Maurya had been doing a lot of covert operations in the mainland Srivijaya Empire and were noticing the neglect that the central government of the Maharajah was giving to the distinct tribes of these regions. The maurya intended to dispel the loyalty and protection that they had given their leadership on Sumatra. The Srivijaya were surprised at this development, they moved out to protect the main island and found no return. When the Indians moved into the peninsula the brought very few weapons. They distributed mostly information about the perception that the Sumatrans had of these tribes and their culture and left. Derogatory terms like “barbarian” and “uncivilized,” were not uncommon in these pamphlets of slander. These words spread quickly but the Maurya left quickly after they completed their mission.
They wanted to move back to India before the Srivijaya navy could catch them, but, they had spent too much time explaining their purpose to the tribesmen. The Srivijaya and the Maurya were fighting on the Bay of Bengal and the Maurya navy was devastated by the attacks. What limited ammunition they brought with them were not enough to keep the Srivijaya away. The larger forces surrounded the Maurya and eradicated them slowly, and completely. The devastation reached the Maurya by what small life boats carried the few survivors who could move away from the larger ships. The end of this war was followed by confusion and investigation on the part of the Srivijaya for the next few years.
|843-880 (90-127 AD) (L'Uniona Homanus)||880-902 (127-149 AD) (L'Uniona Homanus)||902-916 (149-163 AD) (L'Uniona Homanus)|